JOSEPH RAYNER STEPHENS

 A CHAMPION OF THE POOR.

HIS WORK AND HIS REWARD.

(By Rev. John Blacket.)

Toilers in South Australia to-day have social, political, and industrial advantages, for which they ought to be deeply grateful. In years gone by other men travailed in spirit for the betterment of the masses, and we to-day reap the benefit of what they did and suffered. It may be an inspiration if we put on record the social and industrial position of the masses 70 years ago, and see what our fathers did and suffered in the interests of social and industrial reform. For these purposes we cannot do better than consider the career of Joseph Rayner Stephens. . . .South Australians will feel all the more interest in this sketch of a great social reformer, because three of the brothers of Mr. Stephens helped to lay the foundations of the province in which we now live. . . These were all able and influential men, sons of the Rev. John Stephens, who was president of the Methodist Conference in England in the year 1827. But Joseph Rayner Stephens was the Saul among his brethren. He was a firebrand of the right sort, scorching social and industrial abuses, and giving greedy employers a warm time.

A Great Man's Early Days.

It was in the famous old town of Edinburgh that Joseph Rayner Stephens was born in the year 1805. A few years later he entered Woodhouse Grove, near Leeds, an academy for the training of Methodist preachers' sons. His father, had had few special educational advantages, and knew, by his own limitations, the advantages of a first-class education. He hoped to send his son Joseph to of university, and out of his scanty income as a Methodist preacher saved money for this purpose. But his son's native independence of character would not allow him to accept it. "He would not accept money for himself to the disadvantage of his brothers and sisters." He became an assistant teacher in an academy at Cottingham, and while thus employed worked hard in the direction of mental improvement. But Joseph Rayner Stephens had set his heart upon the Methodist ministry, for which he became a candidate in the year 1825. After a short term of service in England he was sent to take charge of the Methodist mission in Stockholm, Sweden. Here he made the acquaintance of several eminent men, especially that of Lord Bloomfield, British Ambassador, and Count de Montalembert. After spending, four years in Stockholm he returned to the English work. In 1832 he was stationed at Ashton-under-Lyne, where the crisis of his life occurred, and the whole course of his life was changed.

An Impulsive Philanthropist.

'A movement was set on foot for the disestablishment of the Church of England. Young Stephens entered heartily into it. The Methodist Conference objected, and demanded that he should sever his connection with it. He preferred to send in his resignation as a Methodist minister. Joseph Rayner Stephens was now a free lance; only a position of that kind could meet his peculiar temperament. He was a most impulsive man, impatient of control. The became a social reformer and political preacher. Public sympathy was enlisted on his behalf, and some chapels were built by sympathisers in which he could freely minister. He. took up the cause of the factory workers, dealing especially with the children. In 1834 the condition of the factory workers in England, notably that of the children, was deplorable. There was white slavery in the old land of a most appalling kind. At the basis of this was inventive genius and the lust for gold. Under the old system of industry families worked in their homes. The manufacturing of cotton and woollen goods was done by hand cards, spinning wheels, and the olden loom. The instruments used were rude, and production slow, but the conditions under which the workers toiled were congenial and healthy. There was little risk to body, mind, or morals. But the age of invention came. James Hargreaves invented the Spinning Jenny (so called in honor of his wife), and Arkwright made further improvements. The original spinning jenny could be used in the house of the worker, but the later and larger spinning machines required more power. This led to "the factory system." Buildings were put up along the swiftly moving streams of Yorkshire, Derbyshire, Lancashire, and Nottinghamshire. In these factories child labor was more profitable to the owners than the labor of adults. Children were plentiful. Their services could be obtained for about a penny a day. If the local supply of child labor was not sufficient the deficiency could be supplied by importation from other towns, especially from the poor houses. This source of supply was soon discovered, and utilised by the mill-owners. Pauper children, of tender years, were taken by hundreds from the great cities to work in the factories. They came by the waggon load. Houses were built for them near the factories, and in these they were placed under the care of men and matrons. Many of these children were cruelly used. It was said that their beds never got cold. When one lot turned out another lot turned in. Their food was often of the coarsest description. Some worked from 5 o'clock in the morning till 9 o'clock at night, with only half an hour for dinner 16 hours a day. At one mill they were kept on the premises day and night. They dare not be late at their work in the morning. Sometimes they were so worn out and weary that they actually went through their mechanical movements unconsciously, with nothing in their hands.

Pity the Poor Children.

The Sadler Select Committee, appointed by Parliament in 1832, brought some sad experiences to light. One lad told how he lived a good mile from the mill. There were times, when it was painful for him to move, so his brother and sister supported him under each arm, and ran with him to the mill. If any were five minutes late the overlooker would take a strap and beat them, till they were black and blue. The masters of some mills, in their lust for gold, encouraged the overlookers in their brutality. Girls as well as boys were strapped, and even chained. In 1839 the Duke of Sussex called a meeting to consider the dreadful state of things at the London Tavern. He sent for Richard Oastler to speak, and a pitiful story he had to tell. He had seen factory children with back and breast black through cruel treatment at the factory. On a child, living within a mile of his house, he had counted 33 cuts. Lip and eye were also cut. What crime had the child committed? he had labored so long that he had fallen asleep over his work. He told of an angry overlooker, who had seized a sleeping child by the hair, had swung her round, and dashed her on the floor. In doing so he had torn the hair and part of the scalp from her head. Little half-fed stunted children were kept at work 12, 14, and 18 hours without time for meals. They ate what they had to eat while they worked. Children slept as they stood. Overseers kept tanks of cold water near in which they dipped the lads to awaken them. The little ones then had to work all day in their wet clothes The children at times were so sleepy that their fingers were taken off by the machines. The legs of many girls were swollen by long standing, but when any perished from this treatment others took the places of the dead. A father, in his evidence before the Select Committee of the House of Commons, said:— "My little girl died in the night, and what breaks my heart is this. She went to the mill in the morning, but she was not able to do her work. At night when returning home she fell down several times on the road through exhaustion. She reached home with difficulty. She never spoke audibly afterwards, and died during the night." Richard Oastler said "he remembered a poor widow who worshipped at the same church as himself whose children should have gone to the Sunday-school, but they could not; they were too weary from their excessive work. Many a time he had seen this poor woman dressing her children's ankles when they came from work and then sitting them on the bed to feed them. She would give to each child in turn a mouthful of bread and milk, but when she came with a second spoonful to the eldest she would find it asleep with the food unmasticated in its mouth."

" A Good Man's Heart on Fire."

When such industrial conditions existed, when children were tortured and killed that factory owners might gain wealth, there was need for agitators of the stamp of Joseph Rayner Stephens men of powerful speech, passion, and determination. When Mr. Stephens retired from the Methodist ministry he joined Richard Oastler, the friend of the factory children. Oastler was born in Leeds on December 20, 1789. He was the son of a Yorkshire Methodist, at whose home John Wesley sometimes stayed. Richard Oastler was the manager of a large estate, but devoted his life to the cause of the factory workers, more especially the children. In 1890 he was staying with John Wood, a Yorkshire manufacturer. His host said I wonder you have never turned your attention to the factory system."

"Why?" was the response. "I have nothing to do with factories."

Mr. Wood said, "You are enthusiastic against slavery in the West Indies," and then dwelt on the worse than slavery of the factory children. Richard Oastler's sympathies were aroused. He wrote a series of letters to the Leeds "Mercury" on "Slavery in Yorkshire," denouncing the factory system, and pleading for a ten hours' day for all workers under 21 years of age. From 1830 onwards he led the agitation for a ten hours' day. He was a kingly man, of splendid physique, more than 6 ft. in height, and a gifted speaker. He died on August 22, 1861, and a statute to his memory has been erected at Bradford.

The Dawn of Salvation.

Robert Owen (the Socialist) and Sir Robert Peel were the first public men to interest themselves in the condition of the factory children. In 1819 Sir Robert brought in a Bill providing that no child, under nine years of age should be employed in a cotton factory, and that no person under sixteen years of age should be allowed to work more than twelve hours daily, exclusive of meals. The Bill was passed, but was practically a dead letter. In 1825 Sir J. C. Hobhouse and Lord Morpeth introduced a Bill to limit the number of working hours for persons under eighteen years of age to ten hours a day, with provision that no child under nine years of age should be employed. Ultimately the time was extended to twelve hours a day for five days and nine hours on the Saturday. This Bill applied to cotton factories only, and was unsatisfactory.

Michael Thomas Sadler, who effectively dealt with the question, deserves special mention, for he sacrificed his life in the interests of the workers. In 1829 Sadler was elected to Parliament, and at once devoted himself principally to social and industrial reforms. He worked hard in the interests of the poor in Ireland, although a Methodist local preacher, born in England.

He also labored for the betterment of the agricultural population of England. Sadler entered heartily into "The Factory Movement." In 1831 he brought in a Bill for "Regulating the labor of children and of young people in the mills and factories in England." Up to 18 years of age young people were not to be employed for more than ten hours, exclusive of time allowed for meals. Two hours less were to be worked on the Saturday, and no night work was to be done by young people under 21 years of age. In moving the second reading of this Bill Sadler delivered a splendid speech. His labor to secure success for this movement was enormous. He worked night and day, and really sacrificed his life in the cause of the children and other factory workers. He died in 135, several years before the Factory Act was passed, and a statue to his memory, raised by public subscription, adorns the town of Leeds. Sadler's mantle in Parliament fell on Lord Ashley, afterwards known as the Earl of Shaftesbury.

Tributes to Stephens.

Oastler, Stephens, and Sadler did splendid work in agitating for the Bill. George J. Holyoake who was contemporary with Joseph Rayner Stephens), writes:—

"Stephens, who joined Oastler excelled all of them in various knowledge, without which no greater can be of permanent value He had a fine imagination a persistency which nothing could turn aside, and, what was not less important, more enduring physical strength than any of his coadjutors, who either died early, or were enfeebled prematurely by their work." In his book on the " Modern Factory System," R. W. Cooke Taylor (Government Inspector of Factories), says:—"It is painful to have to omit all mention of the names and services of many other workers, and there is one more name that must certainly be saved from such a fate it is that of Joseph Rayner Stephens. He was a man of great physical and intellectual powers and of a vigor and earnestness of purpose that impressed all who met him. To a vehement style of oratory he added a quite singular face and felicity of diction, and of apt and spirited illustration. Stephens lived long enough to see the complete triumph of his cause. He died in 1879, the year in which the factory and Workshop Consolidation Act came into force."

The Poor Law Amendment Bill.

The passing of the Poor Law Amendment Bill drove Joseph Rayner Stephens almost to desperation, and brought him into conflict with the British Government. Prior to this change in the Poor Law the principle on which charity was administered dated from the time of Queen Elizabeth. The parish was held responsible for ministering to the wants of the poor. They lived in their own homes, and were supported out of the local rates. This mode of administering relief opened the door to abuse. The laborers sometimes would not go out of a parish to seek work, so that often there was an excess of laborers. The supply was greater than the demand, and the idle were supported by the parish pay. The duty was thus cast on the parish to give relief, and to furnish employment, led to indolence, improvidence, and want of energy on the part of some laborers, and to abuses on the part of the ratepayers and local authorities. People sought help for whom the Poor Law was not really intended, and the burden of pauperism became intolerable. Some of the parishes collapsed under the strain. In 1832 a Commission was appointed to enquire into the whole question. It suggested that parish relief should cease, and that the needy should be provided for in well-regulated workhouses as a guarantee against imposition. It was thought that the laborer would exhaust every possible means of obtaining work rather than enter the Poor House. A central board was to be created to manage all affairs connected with the Poor Laws. The poor, in the workhouses, were to be divided into four classes the aged and really impotent; able-bodied males; able-bodied females; and children. These were to live in separate apartments. Where practicable there was to be a union of parishes to save multiplication of work-houses. Hence the name "union." This legislation, beneficial in its effect upon the idle and improvident, pressed heavily upon the old and the worthy poor. It led to the breaking up of homes and families, to the separation of husbands, wives, and children. There was much harshness and cruelty in its administration. Not only were there the injustice and sorrow of separation, but communication was not allowed except under rigorous regulations. If members of families wished to converse they were only allowed to do so briefly, through an iron gate, in the presence of a guardian. It was "iron" legislation. No wonder Joseph Rayner Stephens' sympathetic and fiery soul revolted against it. This new Poor Law almost maddened Stephens, brought him into collision with the authorities, and landed him in gaol. Speaking of the opposition raised, the "Cambridge Modern History" says:—The crusade was led by Stephens, who thrilled vast crowds by his passionate oratory, and exhorted them to demand by force the repeal of the hated law, which was only passed for five years."

The Government Take Action.

When Stephens advised the people to arm, the Government took action. He was walking with a friend from Ashton to Manchester. Two policemen approached him. Mr. Stephens, said they "we are two officers from Bow-street, and have a warrant authorising your arrest.". . . . Then, calling for pen and ink, he wrote a letter to his wife, and begged the officers to proceed in the discharge of their duty. He was taken first to the York Hotel, Manchester, and thence to Worsley, accompanied by a troop of soldiers. He was reconveyed to Manchester, tried, and released, bail being fixed at £250. Mr. Stephens spent one night in a cell, and on a felon's bed. When he was released a crowd of friends waited to welcome him, but, avoiding all ostentation, he entered a hackney coach and drove away.

A Wave of Public Sympathy.

Mr. Stephens was liberated on bail. Sunday was near. How would he spend it? in the same way in which he had spent the Sabbath for many years—in preaching the Gospel? In the morning he occupied his own pulpit at Staley Bridge, and preached to a crowded congregation, making no reference to his arrest. In the evening he proceeded to Ashton to fulfil another appointment. He was met by a messenger, who told him that the church was full to overflowing, and that the trustees, alarmed for the safety of the church and congregation, had asked them to retire to the market-place. About ten thousand persons were present. Here the service was held under very impressive circumstances. The stillness of the night, the pale light of the moon, and the subdued feeling of the vast congregation, had a telling influence. The subject of his discourse was the authority of God's Word in all matters of faith and practice, and the supremacy of the Divine will. He represented himself as a man of one book. On the Word of God he took his stand. By that Word actions must be weighed. To that standard all must be brought, and no earthly power could, of right, set up any authority against it. The preacher denounced God's curse on the people if they ever allowed the Poor Law to be established among them.

Joseph Rayner Stephens had to appear before the court at Manchester a second time. He had expressed the desire that there should be no popular demonstration in his favor. The people assembled in crowds, but the proceedings were orderly. The case was stated, and Stephens made his defence. The press described the conduct of his case as admirable. During the whole of his concluding speech, which was in itself a pattern of self-possession, good judgment, and eloquence, a pin might have been heard to fall. He was committed to Liverpool, to take his trial at the next assizes. The bail required was—Mr. Stephens himself in a bond of £1,000, and two other securities of £500 each.

The Sentence of the Court.

The great day for Joseph Rayner Stephens came, a day that might well unnerve the strongest man. He had to face judge and jury, with all their pomp and pageantry, and to stand his trial for sedition. It was Monday, August 15, 1839. The court was thronged. The Government spared no expense in trying to secure the condemnation of Mr. Stephens. For the prosecution three lawyers were engaged, and there was a special jury. Mr. Stephens conducted his own case, but was accompanied by a Manchester solicitor.

The Attorney-General (Sir John Campbell) opened the case. The witnesses were called. Then Mr. Stephens was asked to make his defence. A noble effort it proved to be. "Gentlemen," he said in his peroration, "it is because five years ago I took up the question of the circumstances and condition of the factory workers, thus forced upon my attention, and the condition of the poor as affected by the Poor Law Amendment Act, that I stand before you to-day; and it is only in connection with those two questions that I have had anything to do in public. I am guiltless of everything else, and, whatever your verdict may be, I have used no talents, no eloquence. I have not attempted to excite your passions, to arouse your feelings, or to awaken your sympathies on my behalf. If I had any favor to ask, I should have asked the postponement of this trial. If I had not been guiltless, I would have gone away until the time of next assizes—until there was something like calmness and tranquillity in the country. Put all these things together— look at them singly—and let the concentrated impression have weight upon your unprejudiced judgments, upon your loyal principles, upon your Christian emotions, as Englishmen and Christians, as men who, with myself, fear God and honor the Queen and all that are in authority under her and over us. In your own consciences, before God, in the face of this country and of this court, say whether I am guilty of this charge."

The speech occupied five and a half hours. The judge was deeply impressed, and in summing up he said, "The defendant has pleaded his case in very powerful language, with great talent and ability, and with a fluency and power of language which I have seldom known equalled." The jury brought in a verdict of guilty. The sentence was that Mr. Stephens should be imprisoned for eighteen months, and, at the expiration of that term, should find sureties, himself in £500 and two others in £250 to keep the peace for the space of five years. It is evident the judge desired to make an example of Mr. Stephens. The Chartists (though the defendant did not belong to them) were very busy, and were giving the Government much trouble.

Lives to see the Fruits of Victory.

After Joseph Rayner Stephens had been released from prison he was presented with a public testimonial of the regard in which he was held. He still preached and labored in the interests of social and industrial reform. His eventful, stormy, and useful life came to a close on February 15, 1879. He was buried in Duckinfield Parish Churchyard, a vast concourse of people following his body to the grave. He lived to see the accomplishment of many of the objects for which he fought, labored, and suffered. He saw the abolition of child labor, and a Ten Hours Factory Bill, giving relief to 360,000 people. He also saw improvements in the Poor Law Amendment Bill. It took about 30 years to pass the Factory Act, and it has taken the public about 70 years to see the injustice of the poorhouse system that Joseph Rayner Stephens so fiercely denounced. Society has come round to his way of thinking, and pensions are taking the place of what the masses in Joseph Rayner Stephen's day called "Bastilles."



Advertiser (Adelaide, SA ) 1910, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article5216785