AS PRESENTED BY E. BELFORT BAX.
Probably few persons, if any, will depute that Mr. E. B. Bax is one of the chief modern apostles of Socialism. Some persons, disposed to cultivate Socialistic sentiments, may not endorse all his views and opinions. There are diversities of sentiment and faith in the adherents of this aggressive movement ; there are moderates and extremists. Bax is not a moderate. He does not stop at "the collective ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange." Not many will stop there ; it is an easy stage, a convenient temporary halting place. Lassalle and Marx put their objective temperately ; "Social combination of common labour for production, in which it would be requisite to abolish the individual capital of society and to distribute the result of production among all who have contributed to it, in proportion to their performance." This is the instalment now being presented to Australians. But it is not Tom Mann's ulterior object, nor Keir Hardie's. Nor Belfort Bax's.
BAX'S ULTERIOR OBJECTIVE.
Last year Ernest B. Bax published a series of "Essays in Socialism New and Old." It will be wise for us to study the new Socialism propounded in this book. Being so recently from the press it may be assumed to contain the matured sentiments of its author, who had previously given his expositions of this modern social renovating force in separate volumes, intituled, "The Religion of Socialism" and "The Ethics of Socialism."
When advocates of Socialism in our own State are agitating for a drastic alteration in the conditions of our social industrial and political life, are striving to adapt to their aims the constitution on which our Parliamentary practice rests, and to use our adult suffrage to acquire predominance in our State politics, it may be opportune to examine this elaborate declaration, by a recognised authority of the aims and objects of the advanced section of Socialists.
WOMAN'S INTEREST IN SOCIALISM.
Now that our women have an equal suffrage with men, it is urgently necessary that they should recognise the effect which a realisation of Socialistic ideals would have on them, and that they should be well informed on the ultimate objects of those extremists who flaunt the red banner of Socialism in the faces of the whole people. Some classes of women will be vitally affected should wild theories solidify into hard facts. Those of them who have the misfortune to be wedded to indolent, improvident, or inebriate husbands will be losers rather than gainers should work be lighter and wages heavier. That too large a proportion of human beings are lazy, incapable, dissipated, or dishonest is undeniable. While that remains so there is no moral basis for collectivism. The whole scheme of collective income and disbursement overlooks the obvious weaknesses of human nature, and it does not contain a single suggestion or proposition for the moral improvement of that nature.
Mr. E. Belfort Bax advances hypotheses and theories which, in practice would be calculated to be subversive of religious and moral habits and relations. He leaves individual character and personal conduct severely alone; it is a radical change in the social order which troubles him. He would make the fruit good whether the tree be good or not. But it is Utopian to postulate to general peace, comfort, felicity in circumstances which would set at defiance all the insistencies of common sense, and all the recognised ethics and elements of morality. To secure a better "service of humanity," a purer condition of social relations an elevation of mental and physical aims and pursuit, and a purer atmosphere of general home life, something is necessary besides money and the leisure to spend it. The moral self-restraint which will use both wisely will be needed.
A FORMULA FOR SOCIAL REFORM.
Let us look calmly at Bax's ethical propositions for the economical regeneration of humanity. Our scrutiny must not be too exacting. Let him have his say : 'Modern Socialism is based upon the principle that social systems are not made, but grow. It claims that the collective ownership and regulation of the means and instruments of production, distribution, and exchange, in the interests of all, will inaugurate a new period in the world's history in which the antagonisms between the individual and the community, together with the other embodied antagonisms of civilisation, shall have lost all meaning."
Undoubtedly a new era will be inaugurated should this beautiful optimistic and captivating idealism be realised. Many tries at it have been made ; none have permanently succeeded. For ages men have longed for an Arcadia of altruistic brother-hood. But mostly the diversity of human qualities, the incongruous mixture of gentleness and bullishness, of meekness and malice, of generosity and greediness, of self-restraint and self-indulgence, of sobriety and inebriety, of purity and foulness ; saying nothing of the meaner qualities, idleness, envy, jealousy, have tarnished the beauty, and frustrated the utility of the charming ideal. If the Socialists' paradise is simply an Utopia of unreformed people, it is an impracticable dream. So far from antagonisms decreasing, they would multiply, because rivalries of ability would augment and intensify ; ne'er-do-wells would become worse wastrels and more ill-disposed ; clever men would soon tire of receiving orders from and working for incapables ; sober men would not toil to share wages with idle fellows who boosed in working hours. Inequalities of ability and moral habits would soon produce inequalities of material conditions.
It has to be admitted that the formula, as a social postulate, is in accord with the theories of men in our own country. Most of them seem to be agreed about the collective ownership and regulation of the means and instruments of production, distribution, and exchange. Some of them assert this to be the limit of their Socialistic demands. All reformers would go thus far with Mr. Bax. But he does not stop there. An amendment of the conditions of work, an increase in the means of livelihood, do not satisfy him.
AN ATTACK ON RELIGION.
He attacks the Christian religion fiercely and persistently. He would sweep away all its inspiration and all its consolation. Seeing that some men ordained to the service and faith of this religion have been captivated by the economic formula already quoted, and are not backward in advocating the trusts, or aiding the methods of Socialism, it may not be amiss to invite their attention to Bax's sentiments on this subject:—"We not infrequently hear that the attack on the old theological systems, as enslaving the human mind to-day, is a matter with which we have no special concern. . . . Weakened though it has been, it would be rash to say that clericalism in the shape of theological dogma, has ceased to be a danger, and hence is no longer to be regarded as an active enemy. . . The popular attack on this evil may have been largely superseded by the weapons of modern science and witticism, and the direct onslaught has, so to say, taken the enemy in the rear."
Analyse this extract thus :—1. The human mind is alleged to be "enslaved to-day by old theological systems." 2. " Clericalism, in the shape of theological dogma, is a danger and an active enemy" to the new irreligious system which is to " inaugurate a new period in the world's history." 3. Besides being an enemy to " progressive" social reform, religion is an " evil" in itself. 4. Socialism is a " popular attack," and a " direct onslaught" on this "evil."
Mr. Bax goes on to say : " Let any Socialist agitator try and bring home the truths of Socialism to a body of persons possessed of any serious belief in theology, and he will soon have the necessity of taking up a determined attitude on those questions brought home to him. The practical good sense of Socialists, in such cases, generally gets the better of their rigid shibboleth, and their anti-theological attitude becomes as robust and aggressive as that of an old Voltairian." Here we have, according to Bax :—(1) The irreconciliable antagonism between Socialism and "belief in theology" ; (2) Any " serious" loyalty to theology forces the "Socialist agitator" into a "robust and aggressive anti-theological attitude" ; (3) When it comes to a fight the Socialist drops unction, and puts on "Voltairian" warpaint.
SOCIALISM AND RELIGION INCOMPATIBLE.
Mr. Bax proceeds: "The notion of maintaining that religion is a purely private matter, and that Socialism has no concern with it, if it be a pretence, is a dishonest farce, and if it is no pretence, must mean treachery to the party. . . . . It is, if nothing else, incompatible with the supernaturalism and with much of the ethics of the old religious systems." Here are the horns of a dilemma for those reverend gentlemen who are playing the " dishonest farce" of being trite to two discordant systems, which in Bax's opinion means treachery to one or the other. -But he is not strictly consistent, for whilst affirming the incompatibility of Socialism and supernaturalism he would permit any man to favour any plank of the Socialistic platform while remaining a strict Catholic, or Calvinist, or Jew, or Mohammedan. " Such aid," he says, " is not merely desirable or advantageous, but in the present position of affairs is, at least, in most countries absolutely essential to the formation of a Parliamentary Social Party."
At the expense of hypocrisy and "dishonest farce" Mr. Bax is tolerant ; nay, more, he is liberally lenient, so long as it suits party ends. He will use any man of any creed so long as that man's vote and influence will aid the formation of political Socialism, and its representation in Parliament. The supreme object is Socialism ; the subordinate thing is religion. In Parliament Socialism will be more effective than elsewhere, so Bax will accept the help of any victim of theological delusion who will, assist him in getting there, however disliked and despicable that help may be in itself. This resembles an expedient of improbity, because by a politic device it conceals a sinister design. But after reading these extracts no one can be in doubt of the real aim of Bax in relation to religion. But this is not all.
A CYNIC'S SCOFF AT INCONSISTENCY.
This prominent Socialist, who is prepared to use any sort of sectarian helper to accomplish his object, to ally himself with any dissembler who will help to demolish or discredit his own theological system, apparently judges others by his own standard when he says :—"The bourgeois will never place on his moral 'index' any pursuit or course of action which is in any way essential to the system by which he profits. Before the condemns anything as immoral he will take good care that in so doing he is not helping to impede the working of that capitalist system in which he lives and moves and has his being." Then, with self-complacent scorn, he satirises the public opinion of the godly middle class who desire to " abolish public gambling tables, lotteries, and even horse racing," but uphold a commercial system which is largely a method of speculation, and his detestation of capitalism breaks out in a frenzied phrase : " The whole system of capitalism is one great gamble." The fervour of the persons denounced could hardly exceed the intenseness of this amusingly inconsistent intolerance
Then in a satirical outburst of advice to his friends he exhibits his real sentiments in relation to professors of the religion which he despises and whose tenets and habits are so abhorrent to him :—" I say, beware of the bourgeois when with the severe countenance, and mien of righteous indignation, he preaches morality to you ! Follow the advice of Pilate's wife. O socialists, and 'have nothing to do with this just man,' even when he seeks to make for your side since you may be sure there is something in him more than meets the eye or ear." This inconsistency of intolerance is amazing. On one page he permits Socialists to accept the aid of men who "preach morality" on another he says, " have naught to do with such men." Fanaticism of any kind sooner or later involves extreme men in difficulties. The scorn which treats sincere piety and fervent zeal as hypocrisy is a form of fanaticism.
SOCIALISTIC PARTIES AND DIVISIONS.
Mr Bax candidly admits a diversity of sentiments amongst Socialists. This modern movement resembles the early history of that other reformative system which, to him, is so obnoxious. Early Christianity had a variety of parties or sects. In England there are Fabian Socialists, Clarion Socialists, Christian Socialists, Sentimental Socialists, besides the varieties of extremists. Here in Queensland we have mild and fanatical Socialists. All who desire recognition at the head centres of the movement must assent, under rigorous pledge to its fundamental principles and the planks of its platform. As to its basis and formulas it has no moderation, no tolerance.
We have not far to go to find outcasts from its ranks, bearing its stigma, pursued by its malice, carrying the brand of its disavowal, black sheep driven from the fold. Why so driven ? Because then temperate opinions would not harmonise with the stringent evictions of the extremists. The objective was too advanced for them. With the leaders who hold the whip it is imperative. Should that objective be ultimately realised those portions of the earth which share in it will enter on one of the most perilous revolutions ever experienced by the human race. Human ability will be restricted ; genius will be crippled, enterprise will be paralysed ; human action will be organised by a despotic bureaucracy in which the most arrogant, not the most capable men will be predominant ; human interests will be regulated on a monotonous plane of dull and spiritless mediocrity ; incentive to excel will have vanished ; patriotism will be a lost virtue.
That a vast social and industrial revolution is meant is apparent from what Mr. Bax says in closing his chapter on Patriotism :—" If I can only persuade one among you to see how the working classes are being hoodwinked and duped in this country and elsewhere by patriotic cries, and to hasten the day be it ever so little, when the working classes of the civilised world will, with one consent finally abandon the national flags of their masters, and range themselves under the red banner of international Socialism and human brotherhood, I shall not have spoken in vain." This is a revolution of sentiment and relations as well as of condition. Two of the noblest sentiments that can warm the heart and nerve the arm of a true citizen are respect for his Church and loyalty to his country. These sentiments are to be obliterated by Socialism. Religion and patriotism are to be discarded and suppressed.
According to Mr. E. Belfort Bax the flags of renown, of which brave nations are proud, their symbols of heroism and honour, of unity and glory, are to be rent to shreds. Will those dishonoured rags still be symbolic—of the fateful passion which will have torn them to tatters ? Will they be superseded by the blood red and bloody flag of rebellion and revolution, signal and sign of civil commotion, class conflict, clash of social passions, and wreck of individual character and national greatness ? Should such a time of
REBELLION, RIOT, AND REVELRY
ever come, some at least of the "hood-winked and duped" brothers of Socialism will have a good time. How the drinkers will enjoy themselves, and the anarchists revel in frenzied riot ! According to Bax, "purity and prostitution, twin sisters as they are, will assuredly sink locked in a common embrace into the abyss where dead interests, dead controversies, and dead conventions lie eternally at rest." When that funeral has been celebrated, and indolence, drunkenness, and debauchery have satiated their license, will passion subside into charity and riot into peace ? Or, will the day of retribution come, and strong-willed Corsicans arise to execute judgment on leaders who will have scoffed at the laws of God and men, and despised the lessons of history in order to bring their dupes under the Trades Hall reign of "collective will and law" ?
But should this dream of philosophic Socialists be realised in a temporary social truce, will it, with human nature unchanged, secure prolonged immunity from jealousy, rivalry, and envy ? Supposing that white-skinned reformers "progress" into their collective and exclusive Arcadia of tender, sympathetic, and true brotherhood, then will come the time for a "yellow" revenge. Teeming hordes of "uncivilised" and disdained people in the East are awaiting their chance. It is not likely that they will come under the "red banner of international Socialism." Our Australian Socialists can scarcely think of including the native races of Asia and Africa in their "human brotherhood." This phase of brotherly sentiment has not yet developed. Rather, antipathy to them is being cultivated. To be successful, Socialism must be universal, otherwise it is a dangerous delusion.
FAMILY LIFE.
We have seen what one of the living leaders, of Socialism proposes to do with theological creeds, with dogmas of religious faith, with sentiments of loyalty, and with pride of national greatness and glory. He would sweep all these into oblivion ; he would crush them with the heel of "progressive" despotism. These growths of ages, these products of courage, fidelity, and intellect command no respect from him. He exhibits contempt for all who hold to them. There is one more sacred thing which, at present, the European nations revere, and which commands respect also in other parts of the world. This is marriage and family life, including the tender relations of kinship and the warm bonds of blood. What will the great proletarians do with these? At present they are blocking the way. They will find it hard to shift them. For ages men have fought for their wives, their children, their homes. Do these "progressives"' think that the men of the twentieth century will be communistic poltroons where men of former centuries have been heroic husbands and fathers ?'
Let us return once more to Mr. Bax. He is frank enough. Among "ideas and objects which have not as yet won a complete victory even in essentials, which still retain their practical importance are the movement for secular education, for freeing the individual from oppressive laws relating to marriage; for the assertion of sexual freedom before the law and public opinion: for the repeal of other laws wantonly hindering the individual from living his own life; which are based, not on economic of political necessity, but on old conventions that have lost all their meaning, if they ever had any, or on bald moral prepossessions or theological superstitions."
WORN-OUT THEOLOGICAL SUPERSTITIONS.
Whether or not threadbare theological superstitions retain their practical importance, "the movement for secular education" has had fair success in Queensland. It is not very apparent what Bax means by "oppressive laws relating to marriage." Does he desire cheap and easy divorce ? Or, does he crave to cut out of the Decalogue the seventh and the tenth commandments ? The latter seems to be implied by "sexual freedom before the law and public opinion and the repeal of other laws wantonly hindering the individual from living his own life." Are we then to understand that the leading light of modern Socialism desires the abolition of all restrictions on the licentious indulgence of depraved men living their own life. We know too well how in spite of law and public opinion of "moral prepossessions and theological superstitions," self indulgence is claimed by depraved men. Repeal the law, vitiate the public opinion, scout the moral prepossessions, and sweep away the old conventions and theological superstitions, will society be more wholesome?—individual conduct purer and sweeter? —human relations happier ? Not a bit of it. Men and women would lapse into primeval beastliness. Why even barbarian tribes have their moral standards of sexual relations, their recognised codes of marital honour.
For some time past, and always, Bax ruffles into a semi-frantic passion when his mind sheers off into this unsavoury subject. And he does so fairly often. His recent expressions of opinion are reiterations of sentiments cherished by him for some time. He has declared himself in "Outspoken Essays" an antagonist of the life prescribed for men and women in the old Decalogue. He has plainly manifested the elation with which he contemplates "a radical" change in our mode of regarding the sex relations.
CHASTITY TO BE DISCARDED
In the essays referred to, Bax anticipates that when his plan of social renovation has been put in practice "current views on the relations of the sexes will pass away with the conditions which have given rise to them. Monogamy, not enforced but voluntary, will undoubtedly continue as one, perhaps the most usual, among other forms of the sexual relation, but will definitely cease to be considered as having any pre-eminent virtue for all times, and places, and persons over those other forms as at present. The State, the larger political whole, will overshadow and finally kill the autonomy of the kinship group."
It would be easy to quote similar sentiments on this subject from other prominent Socialists. But the subject is not attractive. The marvel is that social reformers should gloat over the prospect of a thorough change in the marital relations and family life of the whole world. Where now, does promiscuity exist ? Even if among, here and there, an uncivilised tribe there may be found a system of tribal sexual communism, is it to such folk we should go for models of conceding "the full claims of the physiological needs of the human being, whether man or woman."
The task of extracting and dealing with these quotations is only undertaken from a sense of duty. A few of our Australian Socialists are as outspoken as Mr. Bax, but one would grieve to think that a majority of them gave assent to such extreme views. Such sentiments are not peaceful but menacing. Their exponents know perfectly that on economic grounds, on the conscious rights of those who use their natural abilities to turn their opportunities, to personal advantage, a great struggle will have to take place in robbing men of those rights. It could not be compensatory; it would be robbery. So long as human nature retains its acquisitive disposition it will stick to what is its own, in spite of the threats and intentions of the red bannered brigade. It may squander it in dissipation ; it will not readily distribute it in charity.
I commend to the earnest consideration of the women of Queensland the deliberate opinions on these vital subjects of Mr. E. Belfort Bax. These women are guardians and conservators of family relationships and home life. Would they like to be abandoned to a drifting life on the ocean of turbulent communism, no husband to love, no child to cherish, no home to adorn and make comfortable ? I warn them against accepting as the final goal of Socialism the partial and temperate objects with which our reformers would lure them into an experiment of the greatest peril. INDIVIDUALIST.
Brisbane Courier (Qld. : 1864 - 1933), Wednesday 29 January 1908, page 12