SPURZHEIM ON PHRENOLOGY.

Last evening Dr. Spurzheim commenced his course of Lectures on Phrenology, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern. He began by explaining the Greek etymology of the word Phrenology, which signified the doctrine of the mind, but whatever the title of his science might seem  to imply, the Phrenologist did not undertake to explain the nature of the mental faculty. There was nothing in the universe of which we know the intimate constitution ; we were ignorant of the elementary nature of bodies which were present to our senses ; then how could it be expected that we should be acquainted with the nature of mind. But in the absence of all positive knowledge with respect to its nature, we should observe the operations of mind, and trace their connexion with cerebral organization. All manifestations of of mind were made by the intervention of the brain; without the brain there was no indication of mental power ; so that it must be considered as the origin of the intellect. This point was easily and universally admitted ; but if the brain were defined the organ of intellect, that definition would constrict within too narrow limits the extent of its functions and the range of its proper actions : in truth, mind was not confined to intellect, it had other and abundant sources of activity ; sentiments, feelings, and passions— whatever, in short, could actuate a sentient being, were considered by the Phrenologists as the result of cerebral organization; the word Mind being taken with this latitude of interpretation. Phrenology might be defined "the manifestations of mind, of conditions under which they are developed, and of the measures of their energy." Was not this, he asked, an interesting study ?
If it was gratifying to observe how the vital functions were carried on, or to anatomise the organs of sense, how much more interesting might to be the examination of the brain, the organization of which was so delicate. There were many systems invented to explain the science of mind, but no satisfaction could attend on moral or metaphysical researches, amidst so many and conflicting opinions. Phrenology, however, promised fair to build up the science of mind on the solid basis of experience. Phrenology deserved also the particular attention of the medical profession. It was necessary that a medical man should be well acquainted with the organs and functions of the human system, before he could pretend to understand its derangements ; hence he could not understand the nature of insanity without a competent knowledge of Phrenology. Thus it appeared that this science was one of practical utility, and likely to become the foundation of a branch of medicine. But Phrenology was likely to be of use not only in teaching us how to remedy the derangements of the mind, by showing us how to rear and strengthen its natural powers. It was a general complaint that education was very ineffective. From this it was to be concluded, either that the human mind could not be improved by instruction, or else that the proper system had not been adopted. This last was the truth, and a more appropriate mode of instruction, founded on a knowledge of the organs, would be the result of Phrenology. He then proceeded instate the first principle of the science. A defective brain indicated a detective mind ; this be exemplified by two casts of the heads of idiots, both of which were remarkably deficient in the forehead. There was no examples he said of a defective brain connected with any manifestation of talent. As the brain decreased, the manifestation of mind became proportionally feeble. It was said by some that talents were the result of circumstances, but this he denied ; external circumstances might develope, exercise, and strengthen, but they could not give birth to them. As the brain diminished, the mind faded away, although the other functions remained quite perfect.
In opposition to the heads of the idiots, he instanced, in the bust of Lord Bacon, the great development of brain, as shown by the size of the forehead. He believed, however, that that feature in the bust of our great philosopher was exaggerated, it was not natural ; but we might safely conclude that Lord Bacon was remarkably large, and his forehead capacious. This peculiarity characterised all who had ever distinguished themselves, either as conquerors or, philosophers; who had ever exerted a paramount influence on human affairs, or had enlarged the boundaries of human knowledge. Those first principles of Phrenology were known to the ancients, and observed by them in their statuary. The sculptors never gave similarly formed heads to gladiators and to philosophers. Among then divinities they observed the same discrimination, and gave to Jupiter the greatest development of forehead. These opinions were also favoured by ordinary language. It was usual in common conversation to make a reference to cerebral organization —in such expressions as a narrow mind, a low mind,and unelevated mind. The preference given by the ancients and by poets, to high and ample foreheads, had in those phrases been sanctioned by the people. It was, however, to be understood, that the form of the head and brain varied in the same individual from infancy to age. It also differed in the sexes, so that all the principles laid down were subject to modifications, arising from age, sex, or nation. He next proceeded to distinguish between the result of cerebral organization and temperament; the latter was for a long time believed to be a main source of character; thus it used to be said that a man of lymphatic or bilious temperament might have solid judgment, but no memory ; or that one of sanguineous temperament was lively, and bad a good memory, but no judgment. But the Phrenologists rejected those opinions. At the same time they acknowledged the influence of temperament, they denied that temperament could be the source of any of the mental powers, while they admitted that it might modify the health and activity of those powers, just us any modification of one of the vital functions will effect the health and vigour of the whole constitution.
If he were asked whether the size of the brain could be assumed as a measure of talent, he would answer no ; the quality was to be regarded as well as the quantity ; just as the muscular strength of a man could not be accurately estimated from his size, without taking into account his nervous irritability, so the constitution of the brain was as much to be considered as its magnitude. Physiologists were ready to admit, that the brain was essentially necessary to intellectual operations, but they denied that it was necessary to feeling or sentiment. If any one, however, would endeavour to satisfy himself on this point by observation, he would sooner be convinced of the latter proposition than of the former, for he would find that a larger portion of the brain was destined to sentiment and feeling than to the purely intellectual operations. Superficial observers were led to suppose that certain viscera, as the heart, the spleen, or the liver, were the seats of certain feelings, from the pains which some emotions caused in those parts ; but these might be better explained by the derangements of emulation or nervous affections originating in the brain. It is a rule of Physiology that all the animal functions have a mutual influence ; as, for instance, anger and other emotions will cause a change of colour in the skin; an over-loaded stomach will cause a head-ache, and reciprocally, mental labour or anxiety will impede the digestive process ; some affections of the mind will produce disarrangements of the senses, such as smells or even blindness. This general sympathy would sufficiently explain the effects of certain emotions on the viscera, supposing that those viscera were the seats of the feelings. A confirmation of this principle may be found in idiots, who have seldom any feelings, though all their physical functions are perfect, and their viscera unimpaired.
 But, returning to the original proposition, he said we could not measure talents by the size of the the brain either in animals of different species, or in different individuals of the same species, the dog had less brain, in mass, than the ox, and man less than the elephant, but in these instances the smaller brains of the dog and of man have greater energy. Any small insects have frequently great muscular force ; the eagle had a smaller optic nerve than man, yet saw much better, and that same might he said of the turkey. So that the size of organs was not the only thing to be considered, and what was here said of animals of different species might be equally applied to individuals. 
It had been objected to Phrenologists that the brain might receive injuries, and yet the manifestations of mind continue. The answer to this was,that the cerebral organs were all double, a fact which was known to Hippocrates, so that, if one side were taken away, the other might still continue to support the same mental action. In like manner it had been said that, in cases of hydrocephalus the brain had been wholly absorbed in water, and yet the indications of mind remained, but he denied the destruction of the brain so long as there remained a vestige of mind. In the case of James Cardinal, a patient of St Bartholomew's, whose head he had seen opened on his first visit to this country, the cranium was swollen to an immense size, but the brain, instead of being absorbed, sunk to the bottom. Experiment had convinced him that alterations in the convolutions of the brain might take place, without any destruction of their substance. The proportion which the head bore to the body was by some considered of great importance ; it certainly deserved the attention of the artist, but yielded no certain indication to the Phrenologist. There was no constant proportion found in the species; the heads of middle-sized men were usually larger in proportion to their bodies, than those of larger men.
   He then adverted to the head of the Venus de Medicis, which was too small. The face was extremely beautiful, but could hardly be called expressive while so totally deprived of brain. Talent, therefore, it was evident, could not be measured by the proportion to his size, yet this animal was thought remarkably sagacious ; on the other hand, many small birds, which evinced no particular activity of mind had comparatively large brains.
 The Doctor then proceeded to describe the facial angle of Keemper. If a line be drawn from the middle of the orifice of the external ear to the upper lip, and another from that last point to the external protuberance of the forehead, the obtuseness of the angle contained  by these two lines would be a measure, it was said, of intellecttual eminence, but he denied that assertion ; the advocates of the facial angle overlooked all the modifications which the scientific Phrenologist weighed carefully. He made no distinction between the European idiot and the intellectual negro ; for the facial angle would be acute from the projection of the jaw as well as from the retreat of the forehead.
The Doctor then briefly recapitulated the substance of his lecture, concluding with the simple truth that the brain is the organ of the mind.


The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser  9 September 1826

THE APOCALYPSE.

On the appearance of the Rev. G. Crossly's 'New Interpretation of the Apocalypse,' we gave an extract--" The character of Mr. Pitt," illustrative of the style and principles of the volume. We now give a fragment from the sketch of the " French Revolution." On the theological value of the work we await the opinions of the learned in those matters. The interest of the topic, the singularity of the great prophecy itself, and the unquestionable novelty and originality of the views taken of it by the present writer, will, of course, attract the inquiry of the Scholars and Divines of our church; but there is much even for the general reader. One of the author's purposes has been to show that the whole series of European revolutions, and leading changes of success and empire, has been the direct work of Providence, and with the direct object of protecting and purifying Protestantism. The early European wars ; those of France and Italy, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries ; of England and France, in the fourteenth and fifteenth, &c. down to the French Revolutionary war, are thus shown to have been predicted, and to have formed a regular consecutive system of Providential government. The proof of this is detailed with satisfactory references to historic authorities and documents.

The present extract is given, not as being better or worse than a hundred others in the volume, but as being easily separated, and as referring to a peculiarly interesting period—the preparation for the overthrow of the French monarchy. The writer discovers the primary cause of the convulsion, in the banishment of Protestantism from France, in 1685. The exile of that illustrious rival suffered the Gallician church to sink into ignorance and public ineptitude. The quarrels of the Jesuits and the Jansenists broke out, each party loading the other with charges of imposture, and each stooping to the most humiliating and extravagant contrivances,— pretended miracles, &c. &c.— until both had equally become objects of national ridicule.   

"In the midst of this tempest of scorn, an extraordinary man arose, to guide and deepen it in public ruin; Voltaire, a personal profligate, possessing a vast variety of that superficial knowledge, which gives importance to folly; frantic for popularity, which he solicited at all hazards; and sufficiently opulent to relieve him from the necessity of any labours, but those of national undoing; holding but an inferior and struggling rank in all the manlier provinces of the mind, in science, poetry, and philosophy ; he was the prince of scorners. The splenetic pleasantry which stimulates the wearied taste of high life; the grossness, which, half concealed, captivates the loose, without offence to their feeble decorum ; and the easy brilliancy which throws what colours it will on the dark features of its purpose, made Voltaire the very genius of France! But, under this smooth and sparkling surface, reflecting like ice all the lights thrown upon it, there was a dark and fathomless depth of malignity. He hated morals ; he hated man ; he hated religion. He sometimes burst out into exclamations of rage and insane fury, against all that we honour as best and holiest, that sounded less like the voice of human lips than the echoes of the final place of agony and despair.

"A tribe, worthy of his succession—showy, ambitious, and malignant—followed ; each with some vivid literary contribution, some powerful and popular work, a new deposit of combustion in that mighty throne, on which stood, in thin and fatal security, the throne of France. Rousseau, the most impassioned of all romancers, the great corrupter of the female mind ; Buffon, a lofty and splendid speculator, who dazzled the whole multitude of the minor philosophers, and fixed the creed of materialism; Montesquieu, eminent for learning and sagacity---in his 'Spirit of Laws' striking all the establishments of his country into contempt, and in his 'Persian Letters' levelling the same blow at her morals ; D'Alembert, the first mathematician of his day, an eloquent writer, the declared pupil of Voltaire, and, by his Secretaryship of the French Academy, furnished with all the facilities for propagating his master's opinions; and Diderot, the projector and chief conductor of the Encyclopedia, a work justly exciting the admiration of Europe, by the novelty and magnificence of its design, and by the comprehensive and solid extent of its knowledge; but in its principles utterly evil, a condensation of all the treasons of the school of anarchy, the Lex scripta of the Revolution.

"All those men were open infidels; and their attacks on religion, such as they saw it before them, roused the Gallican Church, but the warfare was totally unequal. The priesthood came armed with the antiquated and unwieldly weapons of old controversy, forgotten traditions, and exhausted legends. They could have conquered them only by the Bible ; they fought them only with the Breviary. The histories of the Saints, and the wonders of Images, were but fresh fund for the most overwhelming scorn. The Bible itself, which Popery has always laboured to close, was brought into the contest, and used resistlessly against the priesthood. They were contemptuously asked, in what part of the sacred volume had they found the worship of the Virgin, the Saints, or the Host? Where was the privilege that conferred Saintship at the hands of the Pope? Where was the prohibition of the general use of Scripture by every man who had a soul to be saved? Where was the revelation of that purgatory from which a Monk and a Mass could extract a sinner? Where was the command to imprison, torture, and slay men for their difference of opinion with an Italian Priest and the College of Cardinals?'

" To those formidable questions, the Clerics answered by fragments from the Fathers, angry harangues, and more legends of more miracles. They tried to enlist the Nobles and the Court into a Crusade; but the Nobles were already among the most zealous, though secret, converts to the Encyclopedie; and the gentle spirit of the Monarch was not to be urged into a civil war. The threat of force only inflamed contempt into vengeance. The populace of Paris, like all mobs, licentious, restless, and fickle; but beyond all taking an interest in public matters, had not been neglected by the deep designers, who saw in the quarrel of the pen the growing quarrel of the sword. The Fronde was not yet out of their minds, the barrier days of Paris ; the municipal council which in 1648 had levied war against the Government ; the mob-army which had fought and terrified the Government into forgiveness, were the strong memorials on which the anarchists of 1793 founded their seduction. The perpetual ridicule of the national belief was kept alive among them. The populace of the provinces, whose religion was in their rosary, were prepared for rebellion by similar means; and the terrible and fated visitation of France began."

 The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser 1827, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article2189266

PARIS

 During two centuries Europe has witnessed knowledge continually spreading from France. From the days of Bossuet, Arnaud, Pascal, the pretensions of Rome were opposed, jesuitism was so despised that it never reached the confessor who had misled his King. In the following century, France kindled the flame of philosophy. Montesquieu, d'Alembert, Rousseau, Voltaire, attacked political and religious prejudices which benighted Europe, They began the true reign of freedom of thought, and at their voice this freedom spread through the world. At Versailles as at Paris, the people, the Nobles, the courtiers, even the favourites, all except the King, who thought of nothing, all spoke as Montesquieu, Voltaire, and Rousseau spoke. Princes summoned these great men to educate their offspring. France assisted the oppressed Americans, and chased the Jesuits out of Europe. At the moment of the Revolution she did more. She proclaimed with the loudest voice, the principles of civil and religious liberty. She was not contented with proclaiming them, she took up arms to support them ; she had the glory, to combat for principles, and for principles she gained victories. Her flag floated in both hemispheres, and she pronounced the word Liberty on the banks of the Nile and the Jourdan, on the Tiber and the Adige,on the summit of St. Gothard, on the banks of the Danube and the Zuyder-zee; and all the shores of Ireland. Changed from a Republic to camp she proclaimed, under a military administration equal civil rights, submission to religious authority, and to temporal power —she spread civilization with her laws.
  What sudden change has occurred in her destiny? Forced back on herself, forced within her natural limits, deprived of glory and power does she possess political liberty compatible with the and her manners? Recovered from the enthusiasm of fresh-born liberty, from the drunkenness of conquest--does she appreciate the merits of a temperate Government ? Does she clothe herself in wisdom and science, and knowledge, in what covers defeat with honour, and makes the conquered superior to the conquerors. If Europe judges France by the results, it will see her political laws, on which experience was agreed from the first, made and remade, her Constitution, described as eternal, modified and altered unceasingly; one system of election substituted for another; the principles of equal succession, of equal division of land, attacked in every mode ; religious authority drawn from its retreat, to rival political power ; scholastic controversies revived in the country of Voltaire; the Jesuits banished from every country, by the voice of France recalled into her bosom ; popular instruction proscribed ; Professors of Science silenced ; finally the Press—the dearest, the most precious of all our liberties—oppressed , and subjected to Censors—a People for whom the privilege of speaking freely is the most essential of all—a people who, when they could not speak, could at least sing, and thus make their masters hear their voices this people, gagged and subjected to a silly tribunal, which metes out to its words each day —this is the appearance which France has to foreigners.

If a nation is always worthy of the Administration it supports, what will be said of us? The English have never suffered a Censorship, and were always able, even when Pitt was at the height of his power, to tell him he was a traitor. What will they say of us ? They will treat us as inconsistent, demanding, at one time what they reject at another ; loving yesterday liberty and glory, and to-day agreeing with Jesuits and Censors; now listening with as much pleasure to the sermons of a fanatic Monk, as they formerly had when they greeted the saviours of liberty at Fleurus or Zurich, Sympathy is lessened for us in Europe. In England and Germany we are described as given up to the Jesuits. When our tribunes spread abroad some truth—when the journals may express some generous sentiments, this sympathy will be awakened again. —Constitutionnel.

 The Monitor 23 April 1828,

THE DRAMA.

To the Editor of the Sydney Gazette.

" Difficile est propriè communia dicere." 

SIR,

It is asserted that the great business of plays is to recommend virtue and to discountenance vice; to shew the uncertainly of human greatness, and the unhappy conclusions of violence and injustice. This design, however, I fearlessly assert has never yet been accomplished. The works of those who have written for the stage, and who are the most respectable as moralists and poets, have such an intermixture of virtuous and immoral sentiments, as almost to preclude the possibility of a virtuous mind reading them, without being contaminated with the vice they contain. Nor is it any thing but a sorry attempt to support a bad cause, that argues the necessity of depicting vice in order to make it appear odious, and virtue lovely, For in the majority of plays, which I have read, the vicious commonly succeed infinitely better than the virtuous, and immoral designs and practices have led to their success. The Greek writers may be considered as the fathers of that class of works concerning which I write. And it is only just to observe, that a reader can scarcely peruse a page of Euripides, without becoming wiser and better. The same remark extends, with some, limitation, to the writings of Æchylus, and Sophocles. But, in every succeeding age, stage entertainments deteriorated till they received a finished character from the infidel and immoral pen of Dryden, and some other writers of inferior note since his time, who only succeeded with the mob of the people, when the success of vice was the subject of their theme. I shall briefly make a reference to the principal writers for illustration of these general statements.

The tendency which the stage has to promote immodesty of course will be a subject of dispute between the patrons and enemies of the stage. In the " Country Wife," the immodesty of Mrs. Pinchwife, Horner, and Lady Fidget, is glaring: nor is the character of Widow Blackacre and Oliver, in the " Plain Dealer," less exceptionable. Jacintha, Elvira, Dalinda, and Lady Pliant, in the " Mock Astrologer," " Spanish Friar," " Love Triumphant," and "Double Dealer," exceedingly forget themselves; and almost all the characters in the "Old Bachelor," are foully and detestably immodest. This may be called the abuse of the stage; but they are facts to which I appeal, and are improper subjects to be rehearsed, acted, or read by the youth of either sex, as destructive of modesty, decency, good behaviour, and religion. In the whole of the plays of Plautus and Terence, my memory cannot call to mind a single passage so cruel, improper, and out of character, as the Ophelia of Shakspeare, in Hamlet. He keeps her alive to sully her reputation. Neither Plautus, Terence, nor yet Aristophanes, ever made a lord, knight, or alderman a cuckold. How different our modern stage!

The profanity of the stage will only be considered by some as an abuse of its power. Some of the plays I have mentioned are particularly scandalous on account of the frequent oaths by which the verses are disfigured. And it would almost appear as if the object which the writer had in view, was to lecture the profane of mankind on the art of swearing in verse. Shakspeare is far from being free from this fault. I call it a fault in him, because his characters swear where there is no occasion, either in their passion or circumstances. Dryden is notoriously profane; and that he may use the name of the Deity to suit his cadence, and variety to his oaths, substitutes the cockney'd Gad for God. Ben Jonson, Beaumont, and Fletcher are far less profane than either of the former; and their profane characters are always of the lowest cast of society. The impiety of the "Mock Astrologer" may be considered as proverbial. The first scene is in a chapel —the language full of ribaldry, blasphemy, and uncleanliness— and, for its object, it appears to aim at bringing religion into contempt, by making our character " a drudge of poor Providence"— persuading another that "Heaven is all eyes but no tongue"—and by informing one of the devils, that happened to sneeze, that "he had got cold by being too long out of the fire." I shall pass over the profane use which the stage makes of the Scripture, though I have marked many, and briefly notice an exposition in " Love Triumphant," of that sentence in the matrimonial service—for better for worse, is "for virgin for whore." Not being a professed lawyer, I cannot tell what Acts of Parliament are obsolete; but I apprehend, the Act passed by James against swearing in playhouses,and that which imposes a heavy penalty for depraving the Book of Common Prayer, are applicable to the plays in question, and to many others, the mere enumeration of which would be too long for your Gazette.

How great soever the moral advantages of a theatre might be, unless they would promote industrious and chaste habits, the disadvantages that would result therefrom, would be insuperable. It it can be shewn that the representation that the stage gives of vice, makes vicious men virtuous; makes the dissolute, continent; confirms young men in decent, and young Women in modest behaviour ;—if the stage will lessen the prevalence of seduction, and leave an affectionate mother in honorable possession of her daughter, and the husband of his wife,—if it will cause one seducer to relent, and bring the seduced a repentant to her parents, as the wife of her betrayer:—if it will make the magistrate more conscientiously regard the inviolability of his bath, to administer justice without respect of persons; in fine, add to the political welfare of the Colony, then I shall become an advocate for stage entertainments. But, till this is made to appear, I shall contend, with a multitude of facts before my mind, that while the stage gratifies a few, it debases the minds and habits of thousands. An attendance on the stage, has done more to fill our gaols, and populate our Colony, than almost any other crime. The stage procreates inattention to business, drunkenness, gaming, bankruptcy—loosens the strongest family ties, and frequently dissevers them for ever. I am, fully of opinion, that, as in the " Beggar's Opera," so in the best of plays, "there is such a labefacation of all principle, as may be injurious to morality," and as Wilberforce contends, "that the political and moral state of the country depends on religion," I contend that the stage, being subversive of the principles of morality and religion; and, moreover, lending to the commission of crime, a theatre should not be allowed, at it is better, to prevent than to punish vice. 

But I fear I have trespassed too much upon your columns, as it is a virtue rarely to he found among writers,to know when to stop. Yours, &c

CESTRIA.

 The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser 9 December 1824,

THE NEAPOLITANS

—A disposition to laziness prevails in the inhabitants of Naples, and this is a source of vice and indigence : In otia nata Parthenope. Work is done in a bad and slovenly manner; the principal object of workmen seems to be to cheat their masters, and labour as little as they can for their wages. A Neapolitan of the working class goes to dinner regularly at twelve o'clock, and scarce any prospect of gain will make him delay this most important business; after dinner he generally lies down for a couple of hours ; most of the shops are shut from one to four o'clock during the greater part of the year. Thus these people slumber away their life, and are constantly enervated and effeminate. Even the exercise of speech stems often to be burthensome to them: when not compelled by their passions or home other strong motive, they prefer expressing themselves by gestures. A stranger inquiring his way, or any other question, can hardly bring them to articulate a monosyllable in answer. I have seen a barber sitting gravely in his shop, & dozing while his workmen attended to business, and a boy was fanning him and driving the flies from his face. This general inclination to indolence, and to the dolce far niente, accounts in a great measure for the misery of the lower classes ; which is greater here than I have seen in any other country, and is particularly striking on holidays, and at their numerous festivals and professions, where thousands of ill-dressed people are to be seen, with scarce a person among them having on a sciamberga or decent coat. Another source of poverty is the thoughtlessness with which they contract marriages, without having any means of subsistence. The little money the parties can bring together is often barely sufficient to defray the expences of the marriage ceremony, and of the nuptial dinner, and to provide them with a straw pallet, after which they are left to meet the morrow as well as they can; and it must be observed that they have not the resource of parish relief. The women are very prolific, and give birth to swarms of little wretches, who fun about the streets half starved, half naked, and dirty ; and of whom, those that escape death, marry in their turn as soon as they are of age,—and thus, a mendicant generation is continually perpetuated. Mothers carry their little ones in their arms from house to house, endeavouring to excite pity and to support them selves by begging. A man earning a tari a day, about eight-pence English, will think of marrying without any scruple. All the women, young and old, handsome or ugly, maids or widows, think of nothing but marriage ; it is the only scope of their actions, the goal which they all have in view. How might this propensity be checked in a country like this, or rather, how could its fatal consequences be prevented without incurring greater evils is a question for political economists ; connected as it is with so many civil and moral considerations, it seems to baffle human wisdom to resolve it. It is perhaps one of the most striking instances in which one can hardly doubt the inevitability of moral evil.

Apathy and carelessness are prevailing features of the Neapolitan character. These people only live in the present ; they drive away the idea of futurity as an unwelcome monitor, and whatever they do is marked with thoughtlessness and want of foresight. If a funeral passes by, although it be that of a friend, salute a noi, long life to us, they exclaim, shrugging up their shoulders with undisguised selfishness. I have seen them pass by the wretched objects of distress which abound in the streets of this capital, without paying the least attention to them; the sight of misery and disease does not in the least damp their spirits, and they hurry unceasingly on from the starving begger to to go and squander their money at a party in the country or at a gambling table. If they are in want of cash,they contract debts which they have not the means of ever acquitting, without reflecting that this course will lead them ultimately to prison or to an hospital. They eat as if they were taking their last meal, it is a common occurrence on Christmas-eve among the poor people to pledge or sell their clothes, their scanty furniture, and even their beds, to be able to regale themselves on the following day. All their desires are consecrated in the enjoyment of the moment ; carpe diem seems to be the universal precept. The same disposition renders them fond of gambling and that exercise, by rousing their dormant energies, possesses great charms for them ; and the deceiving hope of making their fortune in one night, attracts crowds to the fatal table, where they generally complete their ruin. It is a common practice among many people in this country to promise any thing to captivate the friendship of a person present, without giving themselves the trouble of considering whether they will be able to perform what they have engaged themselves to do; consequently, little trust is to be put in their words. When Vesuvius thunders aloud, or an earthquake threatens them with destruction when fiery streams vomited from the roaring mouth of the volcano roll on, carrying devastation over the plains below—when the air is darkened by clouds of smoke and showers of ashes, the Neapolitans fall on their knees, fast, do penance, and follow the procession barefooted ; but as soon us the roar has ceased, the flame has disappeared, and the atmosphere has recovered its wonted serenity, they return to their usual mode of life, they sink again to their former level, and the tinkling sounds of the tamburrello call them again to the lascivious dance of the tarantella.—M. Viesseux's Italy and the Italians

 The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser 15 December 1825,

The Newspaper Press.

The following remarks are from the Constitutionnel on the repeal of the Censorship :

" One of the necessary results of a Constitutional Government is the Liberty of the Press regulated by wise laws, and this liberty cannot exist with the Censorship of the public journals. Pamphlets, however they may be circulated, speak only to a small number of readers—newspapers address themselves to all opinions, express the sentiments of all, defend all legitimate interests, and cause to be heard the complaints of the oppressed. Thus moderate discussion establishes itself, conflicting opinions are cleared, confidence consolidates itself, and power appears to the citizens as the protector of the rights of all, and the supporter of public liberty. By such means the ardour of innovation evaporates ; the gloomy genius of revolution fails ; the social orders, submitting to a salutary controul strengthen themselves ; and thrones, which protect the interests as well as the affections of the people, may repose for ages on this firm basis.

" But, it is said, the newspapers, may abuse this liberty. Ah! well—Has not the (French) Government the most severe laws that ever were conceived and adopted to repress such abuse? Has it not the law of tendency, (tendance), which opens so vast a field for accusation ? Is there not a Magistracy who know their duties, and know how to fulfil them ?— Has the Government little confidence in the reason of a generous and enlightened nation, which knows so well how to destroy sophismes, to reduce men to their proper place, and to give to all their due reward ?

" But, it is contended, political discussions agitate men's minds. Such is the fact, beyond doubt ; but this agitation, regulated in its course, is the life of modern society.
This lively interest, which every citizen takes in what concerns him so nearly, in questions which have so direct an influence on his destiny, or on that of his family—this interest, is the proof and the guarantee of the subjects' attachment to legitimately-established order. When a people become indifferent to public affairs—when they are not interested either in their country's prosperity, reverses, or glory, they do not indeed restrain the superior agents of Government, those agents may administer all at their ease, and as they please, but the country's industry will decline, its resources diminish, and general emulation disappear; and if the times were to arrive when energy of action should be wanted, the people will be found cold and indifferent, but it is the Government itself that will have destroyed such last and best resort, &c.

" They feared the circulation of ideas and the diffusion of knowledge; but remember, the more the people are enlightened, the better they know their true interests, and the more they are enabled to appreciate the blessings of good government, the advantages of public peace, and respect for the laws. They dreaded revolutionary doctrines, it was added, as if it were not more easy to arouse into the excesses of revolutions an ignorant population than an enlightened people. Is it to be believed, after the experience which the French nation has had, that it would be possible to precipitate it into the horrors of anarchy ? But do not treat as revolutionary the eternal principles of justice and humanity ; nor exclaim against doctrines as revolutionary which desire to support the Charter, and which claim the equality of rights— the liberty of worship—the freedom of election—the Liberty of the Press—personal freedom—and that responsibility of Ministers which hitherto has been an allusion. Do not forget that the principle of legitimacy consecrates all legitimate rights, and thereby leaves no chance for revolutions."

Hobart Town Gazette and Van Diemen’s Land Advertiser 17 June 1825,

Causes of Insanity

We copy the following articles from late London papers :—

INSANITY — The following Table of the Causes of Insanity, as they occurred in the county, and city of Cork Lunatic Asylum, commencing the 1st of January, 1798, and ending the 30th of June, 1818, is from a work recently published by Dr Halloran. There were Insane Patients, caused by

Males. Females;

Terror of the Rebellion 61 47
Jealousy 20 25
Pride 4 9
Grief 6 34
Fever 3 5
Epilepsy 33 24
Religious Zeal 11 9
Loss of Property 51 33
Excess in Drinking 103 57
Disappointment 10 37
Consumption 6 2
Injury on the Head 19 2
Hereditary 41 38
Palsy 6 7
Unknown Causes 195 328

This melancholy list contains mournful evidence of the large share which the abuse of spirituous liquors has, in sending many a wretch to the maniac's cell.

The following observations, extracted from the same work on Insanity, hold out an impressive and awful warning:— "The habit of daily intoxication, if persisted in for a few months, seldom fails to create the most irresistible impatience to meet the periodical return of that hour which would appear to excuse indulgence, and to constitute the moments most essential to instant happiness. This, for a time, is satisfied by the unrestrained enjoyment of the favorite beverage within post meridian hours. By degrees, however, this periodical habit undergoes an exacerbation twice in twenty-four hours, till at length all restraint, is set aside ; the natural inclination for food ceases to return, unless when provoked by such condiments as are suited only to a deprived appetite. The countenance now bespeaks a dreary waste both of mind and body. The temper, which hitherto partook of the grateful endearments of social intercourse, becomes dark, irritable, and suspicious. Insatiable thirst affords a pretext for incessant returns to the only means now left to relieve it—till, finally, nature, worn down by this excessive abuse, struggles to sustain the unequal contest, by the intervention of a febrile paroxysm. Where the mischief has extended itself so far, by repeated paroxysms, as to induce a peculiar action of the liver, there can remain but faint expectation of meeting the disease with the hope of subduing its inveteracy. The residue of existence seems composed of the memory of what had been—the lucid interval no longer cheers the vacant eye, torpid indifference as to passing events immediately prevails. It is scarcely to be expected that these unhappy beings can long continue a burthen to themselves, or to those who might otherwise have had an interest in their longevity. Maniacs of this class are particularly liable to sudden strokes of apoplexy and palsy, and frequently to effusions of water into the cavities of the thorax, accompanied with oedemateus and infarcous swellings of the extremities. Upon the latter conclusive evidence of immediate dissolution, it generally happens that the maniscal delirium gives way, and is succeeded by a perfect consciousness both of the previous and present circumstance, as well as of the importance of the change which is about to take place."

Hobart Town Gazette and Southern Reporter 2 October 1819, 

MEMORIAL OF ROBERT OWEN TO THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

[Some Proprietors of extensive grants of land in the Province of Texas, having applied to Mr Owen to take an interest with, and to assist them in colonising their districts, consisting of many millions of acres, he proposed to them to institute measures to establish an independent state of communities on the social system, in which all the laws and institutions should be in conformity with the principles on which that system is founded, and which are necessary to its success. To this proposal, after due consideration, the Proprietors, and those who represent them here, assented. Communications were then made to the proper Authorities, who arc in this country, acting for the Mexican and the neighbouring Republics ; and there appears to be a real desire in all those parties to promote the plan. In consequence, Mr. Owen, has prepared a Memorial on the subject, to be presented to the Mexican Republic, of which the following is a copy.]

I address you on a subject entirety new, and in the character of a citizen of the world.

You have established your Republic to improve the condition of the inhabitants of Mexico.

You have already discovered obstacles, of a formidable nature, to retard, if not to prevent, the executions of your intentions to the extent you anticipated.

All other people experience difficulties in their progress to improvements, and desire to remove them.

I propose measures for your consideration, which shall enable you to remove your own difficulties, and assist others to remove theirs.

At an early period of my life, I discovered that the foundation of all human institutions was an error, and that no permanent benefit could be obtained for the human race, until that foundation should be removed, and replaced by a better. That the prejudices of all nations were formed by their education, or those general and particular national circumstances by which they were surrounded from infancy to maturity. That to remove these prejudices, a new course of proceeding must be adopted to enable the population of the world to perceive the errors in which they are involved, and the extent of the evils which they continually generate for themselves and their posterity.

After much reading and reflection upon these subjects, I instituted extensive experiments to ascertain by fact, truth from error. These experiments have continued without ceasing for nearly forty years, and they disclose the cause of the perplexity and disappointment of all people. They demonstrate that the real nature of man has been misunderstood, and, in consequence, that he has been trained from infancy to think and to act erroneously, and to produce evil instead of good.
That man is not a being capable, of his own power, to believe or disbelieve truth or falsehood, or to love or hate persons or things in opposition to the sensations which they produce on his individual organization.
That even until now he has been supposed to possess these powers, and has been trained, educated, and governed accordingly.
That he has been thus made to believe that his character has been formed by himself; while all facts demonstrate that it is, in every case, formed for each individual of the human race, whether in China, Turkey, Europe, America, or elsewhere.
That, through this error, the character of man is formed, in all countries, at all times, on a defective Model.
That the means now exist by which it may be formed, for every individual, on a model so improved as to be superior to any before known.
These experiments, and others which are in progress also demonstrate that the power of producing wealth or real riches is now superabundant for all human purposes : and that it is annually advancing in a continually increasing ratio, and that no limits can be assigned to its augmentation.
That this power requires but a right or intelligent direction to relieve the inhabitants of all countries from poverty, or from the fear of not obtaining at all times, in security, a full supply of every thing experience shall prove to be the best of human nature.
Upon the facts developed by these experiments, the knowledge of two sciences, the most important to human happiness, may be obtained.
The first, the science of the forming a superior character in every child to whom the science shall be applied in his education and circumstances.
The second, the science by which every child, to whom it shall be applied, from infancy to maturity, shall be so trained and placed, that he shall enjoy the best of every thing for his individual life in security from birth to death.
But that neither of these sciences can be applied to full practice under any of the existing Governments, whether of long standing or recent formation. Consequently, a new district, free from all the existing laws, institutions, and prejudices, is now required, in which to exhibit this new state of society.

The Government and people of the Mexican Republic possess such a district, most applicable for the purpose, in the state of Coahuila and Texas.
Its position, soil, and climate, with the present state and condition of its population, render it the most desirable point on the globe on which to establish this model government, for the general benefit of all other governments and people, but more immediately for the benefit of the South and North American Republics.
Your memorialist asks the province of Texas, and its independance to be guaranteed by the Mexican Republic, the United States, and Great Britain, as a free gift, to a society to be formed to accomplish this great change in the condition of the human race. He asks it from the Mexican Republic under the following considerations :

First. That it is a frontier province between the Mexican and North American Republics, which is now settling under such circumstances, as are likely to create jealousies and irritations between the citizens of those states, and which, may probably, at some future period, terminate in a war between the two Republics.

Second. That this province, by being placed under the Government of this Society, would be speedily peopled with persons of superior habit, manners, and intelligence, and whose main object would be, not only to preserve peace between the two Republics, but to exhibit the means by which the motive to war between all nations would be withdrawn, and all the objects expected to be attained by the most successful war, secured to every nation.

Third. That the improvements which would commence in this new state, by the introduction into it of great numbers of men, selected for their superior industry, skill, capital, or intelligence, would cause a rapid advance in science, or real knowledge throughout all the states of the Republic of Mexico and the other Republics in its neighbourhood, by which a progress hitherto unknown would be made in a new civilization, as superior to the old as truth is to error. And, lastly,—
That an instructed and well-disposed population will be of far more value to the Republic of Mexico than territory without people, or with a population of inferior character and acquirements.

It is expected also that the new model-government will speedily demonstrate, that all the new states have more territory than they can advantageously people or employ for many centuries.
For these reasons and considerations, your Memorialist entertains the expectation, that you will discover full and sufficient cause to grant the province of Texas to the Society, the nature and constitution of which your Memorialist will now explain.

The Society is to be formed of individuals of any country, whose minds have been enlightened beyond the prejudices of all local districts ; whose single object will be to ameliorate the condition of man, by showing in practice how he may be trained, educated, employed, and governed, in unison with his nature, and with the natural laws which govern it.
It will be, therefore, a Society to prepare the means to put an end to war, religious animosities, and commercial rivalries, between nations;—competition between individuals;—to enable the existing population of the world to relieve themselves from poverty,or the fear of it ; to create an entire new character in the rising generation, by instructing them, through an investigation of facts, in a knowledge of their nature, and of the laws by which it is eternally governed; and thus to procure in practice

' Peace on earth, and good-will to man.'

This practice, so long promised to the human race, can never be obtained under any of the governments, laws, or institutions, in any known parts of the world ; because they are, one and all, founded on the same original notions of error regarding human nature, and consequently of the mode by which it can be advantageously governed.

The increase of knowledge, the advance of science, and more especially the overwhelming progress of mechanic invention, and chemical discoveries, superseding the necessity for such manual labour, now demand a change in the government of the world—a moral revolution, which shall ameliorate the condition of the producers, and prevent them from bringing destruction, through a physical revolution, on the non-producers.

The Memorialists will he enabled to advise in the forming the arrangements to effect these great objects, and to assist in organising the society to execute the measures, by reason of his long and extensive experience, solely directed to these objects.
By his experiments in England and Scotland he has ascertained the principles of the sciences, by which a superior character can be formed for all children not physically or mentally diseased, and by which a superfluity of wealth can be created and secured for all, without injury to any.
By his late experiments in the United States, he has discovered the difficulties which the existing institutions and prejudices have created in the present adult population, to make the change from the old to the new state of society under any of the existing laws or forms of governments.
These experiments have also instructed him in what can, and what cannot, be effected with the different classes of society, as their characters have been formed under the existing systems.
He has thus ascertained the necessity of commencing this improvement of the condition of the human race in a new country, in which the laws and institutions shall be all formed in conformity with the principles on which this great amelioration is to be achieved.

All the Governments of the world are deeply interested in these proceedings. The general progress of intellectual acquirements and scientific discoveries, render a moral or a physical revolution unavoidable in all countries.
The experience of the Republic of North America has fully demonstrated to the intelligent in those states of which it is composed, that any government founded upon popular elections has within it the seeds of continued irritation, divisions and corruptions; and that it can be tolerated only as the best known means of leading to an advanced state of society, by a superior education of all classes, fitting them to enjoy, in the most rational manner, the wealth which they will learn so easily, and so pleasantly, to create, systematic scientific arrangements.
Therefore, by the establishment of the proposed model-government in the Texas, revolution in old or new states will be rendered unnecessary. It is most desirable for all parties, that forced revolutions should never occur, but that the improvements, advancing with the age in which we live, should he made without violence, by the established government of every country devoted to national improvements, without being impeded by any of the errors and prejudices of past ages.

Thus may the Republic of Mexico not only derive incalculable advantages for itself, but be the efficient means of securing them for all other states and people ; thus presenting to the world an example, as it has already done, when in its early information it decreed the abolition of slavery from its soil, worthy of general imitation.

The Memorialist asks the means only to apply his past experience for the benefit of his fellow men. He asks not, he wants not, anything for himself.

London, 10th Oct. 1828.
 ROBERT OWEN.

 Sydney Gazette 2/5/1829,