THE UNDESIRABLE ASIATIC

 A NATAL PEN PICTURE

(BY W A. SQUIRE.)

Natal, the garden colony, since the latter sixties, has encouraged and aided the importation of some of the lowest specimens of humanity from the teeming bazaars of India. Outcasts in all senses of the word without a habitation, and with no country to call his own, he is now knocking with grimy barbarian fingers at the door of civilisation demanding equal rights with British South Africans.

 The master men in the garden blest,

 Loved the white man well but the black man best.

 The colony of Natal is nearly half populated by Indians of the lowest type, controlled by savage instincts and subject to the most infamous of criminal impulses. The statisticians have lost count of the number the colony holds, and cannot find means to-morrow to trace or identify those it has publicly examined to-day. Criminals are at large, and uncontrolled disease is being spread to a degree that has at length caused the authorities to hasten to the aid of the Chief Health Officer of the colony.

 The arrest of seven Indians in Pretoria and Mr. Ghandi and five of his wealthy followers in Johannesburg marks a break in the continuity of the policy of drift into which the Asiatic problem has been allowed to drift in the past. The Transvaal has been brought face to face with the fact that the lip loyalty of the Indian coolie is a dangerous matter to accept, and that, beneath the oily subservience and cringing exhibition of Baboo-English jingoism that impelled Mr. Ghandi to seek a bubble reputation by organising a useless corps of Indian stretcher-bearers for General Buller's army corps, lie the ill-expressed aspirations to equal rights with civilised British subjects. It is like linking the barbaric Dravidian priest who sat his midnight vigil in the heights of the Himalayas to the frock-coated legislator in his seat beneath the clock at Westminster. Oil and water do not mix, and no country has yet been successful that let a majority of individuals rule a maximum of brains.

 The Transvaal calls upon all Indians in their boundaries, some 12,000, to register their names, and for purposes of identification leave their fingerprints with the Indian Immigration office. The Chinese mine coolies do not come into question, the system of identification so far as they are concerned is completed before they leave China. To fully appreciate the position, it must be thoroughly understood that the system of census taking throughout South Africa has been a very incomplete and thoroughly ineffectual one. Indian coolies of the lowest criminal castes, or of no caste at all, after terminating their articles of indenture in the tea or sugar plantations or coal mines of Natal, have crossed the border at Charlestown, and settled in the Transvaal towns, without the slightest possibility of the authorities discovering  their whereabouts should they or their friends, for any reason, of crime, wish to conceal them. The Indian merchant has control of the whole of the native trade. The Kafir prefers the Banyian storekeeper, who is of his colour, and but little above himself as to habits, to the European, some of whom he has, unfortunately, learned to distrust. These Indians have accumulated large landed possessions, and much wealth, and have been admitted far too much liberty in Natal. The Transvaal does not wish to repeat evils that to-day convert Natal into a questionable white colony. The seeds of sedition sown by natives in the stores of the Indian must, so far as the Transvaal Government is concerned, fall on barren soil, and the Botha Government has faced the question none too soon. How far the colony can demand fellow British subjects to submit to conditions of colonisation that amount to class legislation is a matter, that will in all probability be faced by the Colonial Office and the British Cabinet. The arrest of the ringleader, Mr. Ghandi, has brought about the climax. In any event, however, it will be found that with such horror does the Transvaal view the encroachment of the Asiatic, and the overrunning of its cities, towns, and villages with the scum of India, that measures of the greatest importance will be adopted and carried into force in face of any Anglo-Indian opposition that may be organised. The Asiatic sore now festering on the face of Natal can never be healed, but the infection may be prevented from spreading across the Drakenberg along the high veldt of the Transvaal.

 Mr. Ghandi, a Parsee barrister-at-law, is the leader of the South African Indian progressive movement. His ideas of black and white equality, and the brotherhood and fellowship of all British subjects, are founded upon effete and decayed notions, promulgated by Max Muller, and long ago discarded by scientists. The Indian coolie, in South Africa, whose battle is being fought by Mr. Ghandi, is a descendant of the Drairdian, who, with a spoonful of brains, hid in terror from the cave bear and tiger in the rock slopes of the Himalayas, what time the earth was young, and Israel had not evolved a prophet. Mr. Ghandi wishes to take him from his fetid slime, enlarge his pigmy brain by Act of Legislature and place him proudly upon a pedestal in equal footing with "the heir of all the ages," a dual monument of his own cupidity and oily jingo flag-wagging. "Better fifty years of Europe than a cycle of Cathay." Yes, better even the native we know and can regulate as a savage and hold dominion over as an inferior than a horde of barbarian, evil, disease-spreading Asiatics, who claim the protection of the British flag as a means for the pollution of other colonies, and defy authority in scorn of consequences from a misapplied idea of martyrdom to the cause of Empire. Mr. Ghandi, from his self-elected position of South African dictator of laws, has disregarded the mandate that the developed brains of Europeans must of necessity dominate over the barbaric and semi-civilised intelligence of the undesirable Asiatic.

Australian Star (Sydney, NSW ), 18 January 1908 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article229926483

THE DESCENT OF MAN.

 A New Theory.

"The Mongol in Our Midst," by F. G. Crookshank. M.D., F.R.C.P., published by E. P. Dutton & Co., New York, is the third book in the "To-day and To-morrow" series of scientific monographs, from which we have come to expect some very daring and interesting speculations. The first was Professor J. B. S. Haldane's "Baealus," (says Burton Rascoe in the New York Herald Tribune"), wherein he envisaged a near-future when the population will be regulated by the manufacture of babies by ectogenesis, life will be entirely urban, all foods will be synthetic, and mankind will derive its heat, light and power from the wind. The second book "Icarus," by Bertrand Russell, the mathematician and moral philosopher, foretold cruel wars of competition and aggression until the United States of America will have controlled all the sources of economic power and laid the beginning of World State, which would be tyrannical at first and later establish international peace and liberal government.

 Very much as if he had felt called upon to go his predecessors in the series one better, Dr. Crookshank has written a book of a highly revolutionary character. True or false, it has vast anthropological, medical, biological and social significance, for the reason that Dr. Crookshank's eminence in his profession is such that his theories cannot be ignored, but must neither be accepted in part or in toto nor refused in part or in toto.

 White, Black, and Yellow Races. 

As a matter of general interest, it is probably important first to report that the book not only completely demolishes the notorious Lothrop-Stoddard-Madison theory of the superiority of the "Nordic blonds" but also turns the tables on the "Nordic" contenders with a vengeance. The smooth, dry, white, or sallow skin, straight, blond hair egg shaped cranial vaults and brachycephalic skulls which the Messrs. Stoddard and Grant would have us believe set the "Nordic" apart as superior being are really, according to Dr Crookshank, the stigmata of imbecility. Indeed, he quotes Dr. Reginald Langdon-Down and other members of the British Royal Society of Medicine in support of his contention that the only observed and recorded imbeciles have invariably revealed some of those identifying characteristics. There have been no recorded cases of Jewish imbeciles derived from unmixed Semitic stock. Atavism and degeneracy in the Semitic race, he contends, takes another form. That these men have no prepossessions or prejudices in the matter is obvious from the fact that they are themselves "Nordic."

 The hypotheses established by Dr. Crookshank and bulwarked by an impressive array of biological data are these:—There are three irreducible stocks in the human race—the white, black, and yellow. These are offshoots from three different stocks of primates, which also separately gave off the three different types of the great ape—the chimpanzee, the gorilla, and the orang-utan. The white race corresponds to and is descended from the same stock as the chimpanzee; the black race and the gorilla are from the same stock, and the yellow race is blood cousin to the orang-utan. The chimpanzee-white stock is highest in the scale of development: the gorilla-black stock is the lowest, and the orang-utan-yellow is intermediary. The chimpanzee-white stock includes the Semitic races and the so-called Indo-Aryans and so-called Caucasians. The Gorilla-black stock includes the negroes, bushmen, and Hottentots. The orang-utan-yellow stock includes the Chinese peoples, Siberians, Japanese, Eskimos, Malays, and Southern Mongols; and the North and South American Indians.

 The Mongol Type.

 The methods whereby he arrived at these conclusions are curious and intricate. In the first place, Robert Chambers, a precursor of Darwin, in 1844 had separated the human species into three divisions in a scale of development, putting the white race first, the yellow second, and the black third. Like the Fundamentalists, Chambers believed that the three races had derived from one primary human stock, but, unlike those who trace the three divisions back to the sons of Noah, he believed that the white race had developed through stages still represented by the yellow and black races. Chambers' monophyletic theory of the origins of the human race was outmoded, but in supporting it he compared the black race to the Caucasian foetus, the yellow race to the new-born infant and the white race to adult man, but, more importantly, he alleged that "parents too nearly related tend to produce offspring of the Mongolian type—that is, persons who in maturity still are a kind of children."

 The second factor in Dr. Crookshank's deductions was the discovery by Dr. Langdon-Down, a distinguished physician in London Hospital, that the majority of congenital idiots which had come under his observation possessed marked resemblances to racial Mongols. Dr. Langdon-Down's minute description of the Mongol type of imbecile gave currency to the descriptive "'Mongol imbecile" which is employed in hospitals for children and in asylums.

 The next point in Dr. Crookshank's deductions was his own observation of the high frequency among the English, French, and other peoples of Western Europe of persons who display the physical characteristics of the Mongolian races. "Adult Mongoloids are in England more numerous than might be thought," he writes, "and many sub-types may be distinguished. Roughly speaking, there is a high and a low grade. The low-grade individuals, who have almost always some simian stigmata rank among life's failures. A criminal doctor, a bankrupt parson or a more than commonly knavish solicitor is not infrequently of this class. The women are ineffectual persons, even in vice. Superficially attractive when young, after middle life they become myxoedematous, while their male homologues degenerate into paunchiness. Many such may be even in the shabby-genteel suburbs and in the country courts. Micawber was one of them and Dickens' description with Phiz's etchings serve well to illustrate one kind thereof. And again: "Mongoloids of the higher grade sometimes achieve marked success on the stage, in the professions, and even in Parliament. But they remain, in a very real sense, a race apart. For better or for worse, they are not quite as other men or women around them. They are, indeed, Mongols expatriate." A Mongoloid of the higher grade, according to Dr. Crookshank, is Clemenceau, accurately called "le vieux Tartar," who, upon his retirement from political life, appropriately devoted himself to the writing of Buddhist plays.

 Homologies Between Apes and Man.

 With these data in mind, Dr. Crookshank began to make comparative studies of the homologies between the three great apes and man. These homoiogies turned out to be not only morphologically significant, but also significant psychologically, physiologically, and functionally. Most important, perhaps, was his finding in regard to posture. The Mongolians in sitting down naturally arrange their lower limbs horizontally in the Buddha or hieractic position, one hand on a thigh and the other in the lap. The orang-utans alone amongst apes naturally place themselves in the Buddha or hieratic position and none other. The members of the black division of humanity arrange their lower limbs vertically, with knees brought together under the chin and spine curved, with the arms either resting on the knees or clasped around the knees. The only difference between the black and white divisions of humanity in the natural adoption of these postures is that with the blacks the ischial tuberosities rest on the ground, while with the others (commonly seen among the Polynesians, Egyptians, and the natives of India) the buttocks do not rest on the ground, and the individual is said to squat on his heels or on his hams. The gorilla commonly adopts the black variant of the vertical disposition of the lower limbs, while the chimpanzee commonly adopts the white variant.

 Other homologies traced minutely by Dr. Crookshank involve hand-markings and gestures as well as skeletonal and facial characteristics. They are too numerous to be taken up here: but important among them is the fact that the Mongols, the Mongolian imbeciles, and the Mongoloids usually display instead of a distinct "life line" and a distinct "head line" (in the phraseology of the palmists) one traverse line only and that among the great anthropoid apes this single transverse line is found in only one—the orang-utan. 

A Theory of Atavism. 

The next important discovery of Dr. Crookshank was that:— "Frequent among the white races generally there is a mental disorder, associated with certain marked physical characteristics, that occupies a middle place between acquired insanity and congenital imbecility and is known as dementia praecox. The persons so afflicted, if deprived of chairs or permitted to squat upon the ground, squat not as orang-utans or Mongols, but as chimpanzees. 

"But, if compelled to sit upon benches or chairs, the chimpanzee attitude becomes at once converted into what Dr. Steen has called the 'ancient Egyptian attitude.' It is interesting to note that, as a rule, in the apes, and in the dements, the arm arrangement (as sometimes in the Egyptian statues) is one of rigid symmetry. Yet, when the Egyptian artists desired to convey the idea of power or intelligence and a symmetrical disposition was featured, that is seen to say when a king is represented on a throne holding a sceptre in a semi-pronated right hand and an orb in a fully supinated right hand. Symmetry of disposition in respect to the arms, we must recognise as correlated with an arrest of mental activity. We see it in death, in idiocy, in senility and among the apes."

 From all this Dr. Crookshank proceeds to account for the frequent presence of "Mongolian imbeciles," and Mongoloids among the peoples of Western Europe on the theory that they are atavistic or reversionary offspring of debilitated or exhausted parents in whom can be traced an orang-mongol ancestry. The individuals afflicted with dementia praecox, on the other hand, are atavistic or reversionary offspring of chimpanzee white, or gorilla-black ancestry. However it may be said that there is no evidence that pure Semites ever gave birth to "Mongols, " and cases of Mongolian imbecility "are not seen among the blacks and are not known to occur among the Aryan populations of Asia, or even among the Arabs and pure Jews. They do occur, on the other hand, among those 'white' people, so generally spoken of as Nordic as Alpine, and as Mediterranean."

 By his placing this classification of white people within quotation marks it will be seen that Dr. Crookshank does not subscribe to a very general ethnic classification. Throughout his book he identifies the white race with the Semites: —"White—I am tempted to say Semitic, "what may be called the Semitic or Aryan variant," and "most profitably we may reduce the present and part racial types to three: Semite, Mongol, and negro. They are reflected for us in the chimpanzee, the orang, and the gorilla." In another place he says that if we are to reject the evidential value of the homologies between "the Semite and the chimpanzee, the Mongol and the orang, the negro and the gorilla . . . . we may as well adopt at once the hypothesis of belief of a creative origin, and a later dispersal into Semitic or 'white,' Hamitic, or black, and Japhetic, or yellow races." 

New Biological Classifications.

 Of the three great apes. Dr. Crookshank tells us that the chimpanzee is the most intelligent. The apes also have distinguishing marks of temperament, which is reflected in their faces, and also in the three faces of mankind. These three faces are described by Linnaeus as—

Homo Europaeus, Levis, argustus, inventor, regitur ritibus.

[The European man, light, clever, inventor, is governed by rituals.]

 Homo Asiaticus, Severus, fastuosus, avarus, regitur opiniouibus.

[The Asiatic man, Severus, is proud, avaricious, and governed by his opinions.]

 Homo Afer, Vafer, segnis, negligens regular arbitrio.

[A lazy, lazy man, neglectful of regular judgment.]

 "We can take our stand at Charing Cross," writes Dr. Crookshank among his interesting generalisations, "and can see these three faces of mankind born by native Londoners; we can visit our public asylums and see them in degraded form, and we can, at the Zoo and the Natural History Museum, see them caricatured by the noisy, mischievous and lascivious chimpanzee, the dignified, philosophic and self-sufficient orang, and the slow, cunning and brutal gorilla.

 "Everywhere among us do these types segregate out, seeking their appropriate milieu. Homer Afer find partners in the jazz-loving women of the night clubs; Homo Europaeus (regitur ritibus), is seen participating with his kind in social and religious ceremony at the Ritz and the Cathedral; and Homo Asiaticus, after predency among the elder statesmen, may retire to semi-monastic seclusion and write Buddhist plays.

 "The 'white' Hottentot Venus from the Midi still plies her trade in Soho; the 'ex-service man ' in the gutter exposes his frowsy cap for an obulus in the very attitude of the Hindu fakir and the asylum dement; in garrets at Chelsea clever people squat on cushions in a fashion that can be forecast from an examination of their heads, their eyes, their ears, their hands, and their ideas. . . .

 "Man because what he now is when he learned to set and really think how to act, and the ways in which men think are still indicated by the ways in which they sit when they think."

 It will be seen that Dr. Crookshank has devised not only an entirely new biological classification of the human race, but has also indicated new classifications of imbeciles, misfits, dements, and "queer" people of exceptional endowments and so has established a new scheme for classifying human ideas.

Advertiser (Adelaide, SA ),  1924, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article43247023

THE ASIATIC MENACE.

 "The Rising Tide of Color Against White-World Supremacy." By Lothrop Stoddard, A.M., Ph.D. with an introduction by Madison Grant. 

That the utmost anxiety is felt in the United States concerning the growing strength of Japan, has been very evident of recent years. The thesis of the author of this book, who is a distinguished graduate of Harvard University, and the author of several well-known books on international subjects, is that the white supremacy of the world is in danger, and that the threat of the colored races is a very real one. Under these circumstances, one would imagine that Americans, who, to a large extent, appear to share his fears, would show more practical sympathy with Great Britain in the difficulties she is encountering in respect to the government of Egypt, India, and Mesopotamia, to say nothing of the complications which have arisen in regard to former Turkish possessions nearer Constantinople. America had much to say concerning the persecutions of the Armenians, but she has done little or nothing to assist in their protection. Mr. Madison Grant, who writes the introduction to the present volume, is also a man of standing in America, and one of the books he has written is significantly entitled "The Passing of the Great Races."

 "More than a decade ago," says Mr. Stoddard, "I became convinced that the keynote of 20th century world politics would be the relations between the primary races of mankind." He refers to the fact that before the great war broke out, he wrote of the coming "conflict of color," and declared that great communities like the United States of America, the South African Confederation, and Australasia, regarded the color question as the gravest problem of the future. The frightful weakening of the white world during the war, he fears, has opened up revolutionary, even cataclysmic possibilities. He believes, however, that colored triumphs of arms subjugating white lands are even "less to be dreaded than more enduring conquests, like migrations, which would swamp whole populations and turn countries, now white, into colored men's lands irretrievably lost to the world." He considers that a candid discussion of the issues raised should be helpful at this juncture.

 Mr. Grant, in his introduction, summarises the biological and historical background of the subject. "To some," he says, "this book may seem unduly alarming, while others as the thread of logic unrolls may recoil from the logic of the deductions." If the predictions of Mr. Stoddard's book seem far-fetched, Mr. Grant reminds Americans, one has but to consider that four times since the fall of Rome has Asia conquered to the very confines of Nordic Europe. The backbone of Western civilisation, he asserts, is racially Nordic, and if this great race, with its capacity for leadership and fighting, should ultimately pass, with it would pass that which we call civilisation. As a safeguard he calls on the Nordic races to "strike off the shackles of an inveterate altruism, discard the vain phantom of internationalism, and reassert the pride of race and the right of merit to rule."

 The great hope of the future in America, continues Mr. Grant, lies in the realisation of the working class that competition of the Nordic with the alien is fatal, whether the latter be the lowly immigrant from southern or eastern Europe, or the more obviously dangerous Oriental, against whose standards of living the white man cannot compete.

 "We must look to such of our people— our farmers and artisans—as are still of American blood to recognise and meet this danger. Our present condition is the result of following the leadership of idealists and philanthropic doctrinaires, aided and abetted by the perfectly understandable demand of our captains of industry for cheap labor. Now that Asia in the guise of Bolshevism with Semitic leadership and Chinese executioners, is organising an assault upon Western Europe, the new States —Slavic-Alpine in race, with little Nordic blood —may prove to be not frontier guards of Western Europe, but vanguards of Asia in Central Europe. None of the earlier Alpine States have held firm against Asia, and it is more than doubtful whether Poland, Bohemia, Roumania, and Jugo-Slavia can face the danger successfully, now that they have been deprived of the Nordic ruling classes through democratic institutions. Democratic ideals among a homogeneous population of Nordic blood, as in England and America, are one thing, but it is quite another for the white man to share his blood with, or entrust his ideals to, brown, yellow, black, or red men. This is suicide pure and simple, and the first victim of this amazing folly will be the white man himself."

 Mr Stoddard is very much in earnest in his statement of the case for serious thought and resolute action. He divides his book into three parts—The Rising Tide of Color, the Ebbing Tide of White, and the Deluge on the Dikes—and he provides a copious index. Added interest is lent to the book by his quotation of the arguments in favor of a White Australia. He quotes Professor C. H. Pearson, well known in Australia over 30 years ago, and other trenchant writers. He also reproduces assertions by Asiatic and other colored writers. Professor Ryntaro Nagai (Japan) before the war wrote:— "The world was not made for the white races, but for the other races as well. In Australia, South Africa, Canada, and the United States there are vast tracts of unoccupied territory." Achmet Abdullah, an English-educated Afghan, shortly before the European war, inveighed against "racial prejudice, that cowardly, wretched caste-mark of the European, and the American, the world over," and predicted "a struggle between Asia, all Asia, against Europe and America. . . . An invasion of a new Attila and Tamerlane, who will use rifles and bullets, instead of lances and spears." The impassioned Afghan proceeds:—"You are deaf to the voice of reason and fairness, and so you must be taught with the whirring swish of the sword that is red."

 When the great war broke out, says Mr. Stoddard, '"through the bazaars of Asia ran the sibilant whisper, 'The East will see the West to bed.' The chorus of mingled exultation, hate, and scorn sounded from every portion of the colored world. Chinese scholars, Japanese professors, Hindu pundits. Turkish journalists, and Afro-American editors, one and all voiced drastic criticisms of white civilisation, and hailed the war as a well-merited Nemesis on white arrogance and greed." He quotes copious extracts from writings to prove his assertion. He points to the threatened anarchy in Egypt, and the unrest in India, despite "the fairness, honesty and general efficiency" of English rule, Mr. Stoddard lays stress also on the onward march of Islamism in Africa, and the growing sense of negro race "solidarity,'' but asserts that the real danger to white control of Africa lies not in brown attack or black revolt, but in possible white weakness, through chronic discord within the white world itself. The same remark is made in regard to Latin America, where with unity "white victory is sure."

 Mr. Stoddand draws from Professor Pearson many arguments concerning the adaptability of the Chinese and their capacity to work hard and live frugally. He quotes Professor Ross as saying that under good conditions the white man can beat the yellow man in turning out work, but under bad conditions the Chinese can beat the white man, because he can better endure spoiled food, poor clothing, foul air, noise, heat, dirt, discomfort, and microbes. Reilly can '"out-do"' Ah San, but Ah San can "under-live" Reilly. Mr. Stoddard tells of the startling growth of the Japanese in California and declares "the fruitfulness of the Japanese brides is almost uncanny." First come the men, then the picture brides, then the families. Two children of Japanese parentage are born in some districts of California for every white child! "And let not Europe, the white brood land, the heart of the white world, think itself immune," he cries. Mr. Stoddard repeats with enthusiasm the "White Australia" slogan, which "is not a political theory, but a gospel" He urges that some sort of provisional understanding should be arrived at between the white world and the renascent Asia. "Unless some such understanding is reached," he fears, "the world will drift into a gigantic race war." He also desires to limit the migration of lower human types (whites) into the United States, as "such migrations upset standards, sterilise better stocks, increase low types, and compromise national fitness more than war, revolutions, or native deterioration. "Such are the things which simply must be done if we are to get through the next few decades without convulsions which may render impossible the white world's recovery."

Advertiser (Adelaide, SA : 1889 - 1931), Saturday 16 April 1921,

The Everlasting Negro.

 GENTLEMEN who visit clubs and drink sherry cobbler— who read mongrel reviews, always contemptuous of substantial liberty and human rights— may sneer at the " everlasting negro," whose race inhabits one of the largest sections of the globe—who himself never wandered into Europe or obtruded his presence. By a series of crimes unexampled in human wrong, carried off under the Christian flag, and after running the gauntlet of a passage fatal to millions, he stood a barbarian slave for sale, as did the ancestors of Britons in the Roman market.

The bondsman of ancient days oppressed was nevertheless commonly regarded as a man ; but the blacks have been treated only as beasts of burden, and with an injustice inexpressibly unjust. When liberated, they have been expected to display all the docility of affectionate service—to rise at once into all the chaste relations of married life, for which the law itself disqualified them until a period within our own recollection in the British dominions—a law which still survives in all its virulence in the statute-book of America.

The " everlasting negro " is now an offence to his oppressors. He is their perpetual remorse and accusation, and nothing but the gentleness of his nature prevents him from being their terror and their scourge. There are, however, circumstances which break down all forbearance and rouse the dark passions that slumber in every breast, or rather those natural resentments which have often rescued nations from thraldom and constituted part of the animating power of the patriot who has vindicated his country and his race. We confess ourselves to be among THE FANATICS whose sympathies all turn towards this oppressed race— who look upon their oppression with inexpressible detestation— who believe in retributive judgment— and that a day of wrath is reserved for every nation, by which moral laws are violated, and especially where they are violated under legal sanction merely for the purpose of gain.

What has come upon America now has been foretold by her own moralists and statesmen. These " fanatics " predicted that slavery would debase the national character— would ruin the national constitution —would kindle the flames of civil war —and would perhaps one day arm the oppressed against the oppressors. Is there anything wonderful in such predictions or in their accomplishment? The oldest Book in the world tells us of a people who were bondsmen in the land of Egypt. Their masters set the example of that kind of "chivalry" which has been adopted, improved, and aggravated by the American people. Warnings were followed by visitations, and these by heavier, until by and bye the first-born of Egypt had to make atonement for the first-born of Israel. The horror of the increase of the Hebrews upon the Egyptian mind was solaced by the destruction of the Hebrew children. The Hebrew children nevertheless increased as under the power of oppression the African race seems everywhere to multiply. All, however, was in vain. Warnings and plagues lost their terror, and even hardened with their aggravation, until by and bye the "everlasting" Hebrews became the terror of the Egyptians, and thrust them out. But reanimated by their covetousness as well as their contempt, the hosts of Egypt pursued — they overtook — they almost captured—when, descending into the bed of ocean, its waters covered them and they were seen no more.

These are lessons for all time. They are lessons for that great nation now agonizing in the struggle between two great principles— whether these are inscribed upon their flag or not—and the " everlasting negro," as he is called, will rise, perhaps, amidst their ruins and their impoverishment and desolation.

The cry of " fanaticism " does not alarm us. King WILLIAM THE FOURTH, when he first appeared as the Duke of Clarence in the House of Lords, treated the nation to a speech in which the word " fanatics" was prominent.

“Fanatics" was the word applied to those of whom PITT became the legislative leader—who denounced the slave trade of Africa, and put down the accursed thing. WILLIAM THE SAILOR thought the British navy was nourished by the slave trade, and that we should ruin our maritime power if we did not rob Africa of her children. We are old enough to remember the same cry of " fanaticism " against all who were for the abolition of slavery in the West Indies. Who has not read the eloquent denunciations of Lord BROUGHAM, when the missionary SMITH was condemned to death by the "chivalry" of Demarara. It was the fanatics of those times, with whom we rejoice to have been associated, who won the emancipation, we will not say of the African, but of the British Empire, from the thraldom of that system, long supported by our British "chivalry;" defended too often by our ministers of religion, who invented all those commonplaces by which the South at present defends the oppression of the negro race, and which now read to every Englishman like blasphemy. Let any one who doubts this look back to the discussions upon the subject, and they will find that the articles in our leading journals and reviews are, to our national disgrace, simply reproductions of those which, with less criminality because with less experience, were issued by the enemies of man during the heat of our glorious struggle. All who believe the negro race destined to Christian civilisation and the enjoyments of human rights, are treated from day to day with " the everlasting negro." Caricaturists distort his features to hideous proportions in order to play upon the antipathy of race for which Englishmen are renowned. His religious sentiments— the great barrier to his resentment and the balm of his affliction— furnish topics of ridicule, because he expresses the emotions of his heart in the broken language of his down-trodden people. Every philosophical mind acquainted with the history of humanity is aware that uneducated men of all races express with vivacity all their emotions, and that between this fervour of utterance and no feeling at all there are in their case but few intermediate stages. The TROLLOPE'S, and men of that class who talk upon this subject, pander to the base spirit which is as incapable of philosophical appreciation as of Christian sympathy. Why should the negro, because his utterance of his religious feeling is loud and unclassical, be represented as a mere ape, while the same manifestations are seen in every part of the world where religious sentiment is expressed by uneducated men. The result of our over-civilization is not only to disguise the feelings, but to make the outer expression the very reverse often of the inward sentiment. But these are refinements from which the negro race are necessarily remote. We are, however, at the beginning of the end. The idle literature which is opposed to the grandest movements of our times will pass to the trunkmakers, while those who are strenuous for the assertion of human liberty will be remembered as benefactors of their own as well as the African race. The curse of slavery sinks deeply. It embraces all who touch it. It demonises their character ; it makes them not only insensible, but opposed to the claims of right. And yet strange enough the very men who are loudest in their declamations about the brutal instincts of the negro the moment the slave becomes free, expected from such a population as Jamaica the chastity which they do not find in the counties of their own country or on the Continent. Statistics prove this. What is still more humiliating is that the demoralisation of the blacks with respect to their social relations, has not only been regularly organised by slave-holders as a property interest, but promoted— never discouraged by the licentious habits of the whites themselves. Can we in the face of a creole population, everywhere advancing upon the distinct races, pretend that the African is licentious, and the African alone? The rights of these millions of human beings appear to us to be the grand charge upon the sympathy and effort of all mankind. To secure them we have in our own country made a sacrifice, paltry as it now turns out compared with the penalties exacted by Providence in America. We talk of the £20,000,000 we paid for the emancipation of slaves as though we had laid the slave under a lasting obligation. Let it be remembered that this £20,000,000 went to the slave-holder and not to the slave. It was not the price paid by a nation for the ransom of brethren from the hands of aliens ; but the price settled among themselves in composition of a common wrong. That price was well, and, in some of its aspects, nobly paid. Happy for England that it was so. Her prosperity has never been retarded for an hour. The ruin of the sugar plantations, long watered with tears and blood, in Jamaica is a small deduction from the great national account. Had the question been in the hands of the slave owners this price would never have been paid, but the weight of bondage would have been increased with every effort to destroy it. America has had the power of resistance and the will, and now war is exacting not only the first born of the population but millions sufficient to pay the price of every slave under the Stars and Stripes. These are events which can only be interpreted one way, and supercilious and heartless sneers at the oppressed will not retard their Avenger for an hour.

It was the judicial condemnation of JOHN SMITH, who was sentenced to death, that finally destroyed the slavery party of Great Britain. It was the execution of JOHN BROWN, for his ill-judged effort— that of a man driven mad by years of family and personal oppression, but whose heart was full of the noblest aspiration— that ushered the great war now raging in America. It is said that his last act upon earth just before he ascended the scaffold, which was to ensure his name the everlasting remembrance of Africa— was to take from the arms of a negress her infant child and leave upon its brow the last kiss of human affection ; thus signifying the cause for which he suffered before he yielded up his great indignant and heroic spirit.

Sydney Morning Herald 5 Jan 1863, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article13072006

Little man's thought

You could have long since become the master of your existence, if only your thinking were in the direction of the truth. But you think like this:

'It's all the fault of the Jews.' 'What's a Jew?' I ask. 'People with Jewish blood,' is your answer. 'What's the difference between Jewish blood and other blood?' This question stumps you; you hesitate, become confused, and answer: 'I mean the Jewish race.' 'What is race?' I ask. 'Race? Why, that's simple: just as there is a German race, so there is a Jewish race.' 'What characterizes the Jewish race?' 'Well, a Jew is dark-haired, has a long hook-nose and sharp eyes. The Jews are avaricious and capitalistic.' 'Have your ever seen a Mediterranean Frenchman or Italian together with a Jew? Can you distinguish them?' 'Well, not really.' 'What, then, is a Jew? The blood picture shows no difference: he does not look different from a Frenchman or Italian. And have you ever seen German Jews?' 'Sure, they look like Germans.' 'And what is a German?' 'A German belongs to the Nordic Aryan race.' 'Are the Indians Aryans?' 'Sure.' 'Are they Nordic?' 'No.' 'Are they blond?' 'No.' 'So you see, you don't know what is a German and what is a Jew.' 'But there are Jews.' 'Certainly there are Jews, just as there are Christians and Mohammedans.' 'I mean the Jewish religion.' 'Was Roosevelt a Dutchman?' 'No.' 'Why do you call a descendant of David a Jew if you don't call Roosevelt a Dutchman' 'With the Jews it's different.' 'What's different?' 'I don't know.'

That's the way you drivel, Little Man. From your drivel you create armed formations and these slay ten million people as 'Jews', though you cannot even tell what a Jew is. That's why one laughs at you, why one avoids you when one has serious work to do, that's why you stick in the morass. When you say 'Jew' you make yourself feel superior. You have to do that because you really feel miserable. And you feel miserable because you are precisely that which you murder in the alleged Jew. This is only a tiny bit of the truth about you, Little Man.

Wilhelm Reich. Listen, Little Man!

TREMENDOUS WORLD PROBLEM

 WHY WHITE RACES FEAR JAPANESE IMMIGRATION

A tremendous world problem has begun, and is continuing, of which none can foresee the end (observes a London authority). This problem is being played out in the United States, in Canada, in Australia, in New Zealand, and in South Africa. At first sight it seems merely a question of colour and of racial prejudice. But at bottom it is more than that — it is an economic question of the first order.
Ultimately this may prove to be the most tremendous question upon which great masses of mankind have ever been divided," says the London "Daily Telegraph," "but any attempt to settle it by arms, whatever the immediate issue, would mean sooner or later a hundred years' conflict; and not for this generation only, but for many, the world's hopes for peace would be sunk deeper than Prospero dropped his book."

ECONOMIC COMPETITION OF TWO RACES.

"The real root of the trouble," thinks the "Times," "is not in any issue of general policy, but is to be sought in the friction arising from the economic competition in the same area of races differing wholly in habits and standards of living, and disinclined to amalgamate— a competition of whose difficulties we have already seen something within the British Empire, and with which we shall inevitably have to deal in the future. Of the difficulty created by this problem some permanent solution based on equitable compromise will yet have to be found. Failing it, the trouble that is now creating such anxiety to all lovers of peace and civilisation will inevitably recur at a later period; and recur in a far more serious form."

* * * * * * *

"The standard of life among the Australian and American democracies," adds the "Telegraph," "would be utterly undermined by unrestricted Asiatic competition — nay, would be swamped if the vast floods of Chinese humanity, for instance, were to burst through the frail legislative dikes now holding them back from empty or half-peopled regions under white control; and the unrestricted ingress of labour from the Far East would be more insidiously and totally destructive of white welfare than war itself. In one word, this is not a colour question; it is fundamentally an economic question. We trust, our allies will take it at that, and will realise that the point of national honour has been accidentally caught up with the problem, but is not permanently involved in it.  It would be as illogical to make war upon it as to make war against the M'Kinley tariff. Goods, and men alike are discriminated against for economic reasons."

A SERIOUS SITUATION.

"Those who look forward to a conflict at some time or other caused by the determination of the Japanese to press, and the determination of the Anglo-Saxon oversea, both in America and in Australia and New Zealand, to resist, the claim of the Japanese to enter and to help to develop territories bordering on the Pacific which the white man considers reserved for his special occupation, can, unfortunately, not be described as mere visionaries or dreamers," says the "Spectator." "The hard, practical facts of the case are with the pessimists. We may sum up the situation, indeed, by saying that though things at present are not nearly as bad as 'the man in the street' supposes, the future outlook, though not necessarily a near future, is probably good deal worse than he imagines."

THE CALIFORNIAN TROUBLE.

So much for the general statement of the issues which hang on this tremendous problem. The whole matter is forced on public attention just now by the conflict in California between Americans and Japanese. "The international standing of Japan among the nations seemed to have been established by sacrifices and achievements as heroic, whether in peace or war, as ever were credited, to any country," says the "Telegraph." "She took her place" as a Great Power, a nation among her equals. Yet in California her subjects admitted under treaty are misused as though they were helots or pariahs. The United States Government acknowledges that injustice has been committed, but is almost absolutely prevented, by the limitations of the American Constitution, from giving effectual redress. That is the deadlock which, has been created, and the situation is as difficult for statesmanship at Washington as it is trying to the Government of Tokio and exasperating to the national sentiment of its subjects.

QUESTION OF STATE RIGHTS.

"A solution can only be reached by placing a very loose interpretation upon the letter of the law, and allowing unconventional and uncompromising common sense to form a substitute for pedantry and parchment. The American case, and we shall endeavour to put it as fairly as the Japanese, is much better in reason than in logic. Whether from the social or the political point of view, the problem for the United States is real, and it is grave. It is raised by the procedure of the Californian authorities, whether municipal bodies or State legislature. At their instigation or through their supineness, the subjects of a great and friendly Power, in peaceful exercise of their treaty rights, have been harassed and humiliated. There has been an endeavour to exclude them from American soil and to boycott them when they are settled upon it. They have been ejected from the public schools and obstructed in the pursuit of their business. There has been an attempt to place a stigma of racial inferiority upon them.
"These things have not only been done; they have been done brutally, cynically, and with every wanton slight calculated to poison the wound in the minds of a people more sensitive than any other upon the point of honour. And upon this subject the local legislation of California has consistently defied and set at naught the treaty law of the United States. It is not possible to doubt that Japanese subjects now in the United States are entitled to protection. It is not possible to doubt either that upon this point at least an overwhelming majority of American citizens will grapple sooner or later with the most flagrant abuse of State rights since the secession of the Slave States, and will insist that justice shall be done. California is contumacious; but the United States as a whole is pledged by international engagements freely entered into."

PEACE BY CIVIL WAR?

"It is the honour of the Republic itself that is at stake, much more than Japan's," continues the "Telegraph." "In this sense President Roosevelt himself has pleaded again and again, and we do not doubt that his voice will again be heard in unchanged and powerful accents. In this sense Mr. Root, who is one of the ablest, most attractive, most courageous figures in the public life of any country, has dared to urge, and undoubtedly with his President's approval, that even the American Constitution should to amended when the letter of its provisions is used in purely local interests by a minority reckless of the reputation and interests of the State itself. Yet the American Constitution is almost unchangeable, though it is proving more and more imperfectly adapted to modern needs. It is like a suit of cast-iron clothes made to the measure of a growing boy. The President, has no power to control California by anything short of armed occupation, and our allies will hardly desire that he should attempt the paradox of forcibly, preserving international Peace by risking civil war. Never was it truer than in this particular case that force is no remedy. Neither war nor civil war would win the right of peaceful settlement for the Japanese. Either would make their presence as immigrants upon American soil for ever impossible."

THE ANGLO-SAXON IDEAL.

The "Spectator," commenting on this article, says: — "We find ourselves in agreement with the leading article in the 'Daily-Telegraph,' which dwells upon the indisputable fact that the people of Australia and New Zealand are determined, to 'keep their several countries to themselves, and to receive only the immigrants they can assimilate,' and 'are prepared to make any sacrifice' to maintain this principle. As the 'Daily Telegraph' goes on, 'they have been infinitely wiser, calmer, and more decent in their procedure than California has been, but to their determination; as we have described it, it is well known that there are no limits whatever.' . . . . . We may wish that it were possible that the Britons oversea would be willing to count the Japanese as white men, and to consider them as fit to be assimilated into their communities. Whether we like it or not, however, we have got to admit the fact that the opinion is not held, and in all human probability never will be held, by the inhabitants of Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, or the Pacific provinces of Canada. The inhabitants of these communities realise, in view of the immense capacities of the Japanese for emigration, that if they were once to allow the Japanese full and free rights of access and occupation, they would be obliged to look forward in the future to a mixed European and Japanese polity, and to abandon their ideal of a white Anglo-Saxon self-governing State. Much as we respect the Japanese, much as we detest the usual phenomena of racial and colour prejudice, strongly as we condemn and sternly as we would punish the monstrous outrages which have occasionally been committed by the white man on the yellow man, we are bound to say that in the last resort we cannot wonder that the self-governing English-speaking communities of the Empire are determined to remain white men's countries, with all that that involves, and will not run the risk of letting the land they live in and the land they love be made the ground for an experiment which has never before been tried in history — the experiment of a community of mixed European and Asiatic blood, founded on a mixture of the social, religious, and moral ideals of the two continents.

CHRISTIAN CIVILISATION TO BE MAINTAINED.

"People sometimes talk as if it were possible to segregate the Asiatic and the European and to let each live his own life side by side without jealousy or interference, Those who argue thus do not realise the conditions of colonial life. 'It is, no doubt, quite possible in Egypt or in India' for a small number of highly-paid officials to segregate themselves, and to produce a European community governed by European ideals within the Asiatic polity. When, however, working men of the yellow race live side by side with working men of the white races no such life in water-tight compartments is possible. The races must either mix, or one must go. Let our readers who are made indignant by the logic of these facts place themselves for a moment in the position of a working man in Australia or New Zealand. "Can they honestly say that they would like to live as poor men in a close community side by side, and on an absolute equality, with men and women of the yellow race, with their children, in hourly intercourse with the children of that race, and with those children and themselves called upon almost daily to choose whether they would conform to the moral, intellectual and social standards set by Asia upon  all sorts of questions, including matters of religion and sex, or those set by Europe ? We do not wish to argue here, whether the European standards are necessarily better, and we are fully aware that a Japanese may often put to shame a European in matters of morality, temperance, and self-restraint. The fact remains, however, that the moral and social and political ideals are different, and we, at any rate, have no hesitation whatever in declaring that for our people the Christian civilisation is infinitely the better, and that every effort and sacrifice must be made to maintain it, and to reject its dilution with that which we think is lower, and which, at any rate, all must admit is conflicting in essentials."

Australian Star (Sydney, NSW : 1887 - 1909), Friday 30 August 1907, page 7

EARLY ENGLAND.*

 The principle upon which Mr. Traill and nearly a score of well-qualified contributors have begun to write a new history of England is a novel and ingenious one. It is designed to exhibit the gradual evolution of the social, political, religious, and economic life of the country in its consecutive stages ; so that the reader may find himself in much the same position which a geologist might do, if it were possible for him to watch the processes by which the successive stratifications have been brought about, during the long ages which have been occupied by the earth in reaching its present formation. And there is a certain analogy between the building up of the English nation and the construction of the solid island upon which it has made its home. Layer after layer of population has been superimposed upon a possibly autochthonic race, constituting the bed-rock ; and the deposition of each fresh human stratum forms an interesting study in itself to a hundred millions of English-speaking people, who are physically, morally, and intellectually the product of this curiously composite ancestry.

First of all, as Mr. O. M. Edwards remarks in writing of Celtic Britain, a wave of immigrants, short in stature and swarthy in countenance, reached that country from Arabia and from Egypt, along the northern shore of the Mediterranean, as it is believed. They are called Iberians, and their "purest descendants may be seen among the miners of the Rhondda Valley (in Glamorganshire), or in the quadrangles of Jesus College at Oxford." Then came the Celts, Gaelic and Brythonic, fairer, taller, and more civilised than the Iberians. They are supposed to have journeyed through Central Europe ; the language of the first, "still surviving in the Isle of Man, in the west of Ireland, and in the north-west and west of Scotland;" while the Brythonic tongue is still spoken in Brittany and Wales. Rome next brought her legions into Britain, and as they were recruited not merely from Italy, but from every part of her large empire—from Belgium, Batavia, Switzerland, Germany, Spain, Gaul, Dalmatia, &c., these intermarrying with British wives, or living with British mistresses, would introduce many strains of foreign blood into the already mixed population. One of the contributors points out that "newcomers from any land under the Roman government might settle here. We find a Palmyrene at home under the pale sky of Northumberland, and a Moor or Mauritanian in the service at Ellenborough."

With the fall of the Roman power in Britain there came a great inrush of Teutonic Angles and Saxons, followed in due time by an invasion of Northmen from the Scandinavian peninsula, who conquered and occupied fifteen of the shires, including all those on the eastern coast of England, from the mouth of the Thames  to that of the Tees; and finally the victory of Senlac led to the introduction and supremacy of a Norman king, a Norman nobility, and a Norman army; belonging to a race, it is observed, which possessed "the very qualities that England yet lacked—the power of organisation, the sense of law and method, and the genius for enterprise." Nor did the process of miscegenation end here. There was a considerable influx of Flemish weavers, in the reign of Edward the Third, who settled in the Eastern counties, at the invitation of that monarch, and laid the foundation of our great woollen industries; the now diminutive village of Worsted, in Norfolk, marking the former site of one of these flourishing manufactures, to which it gave a name which the fabric still bears. The Crusades introduced an Asiatic strain into our English blood, as some of the adventurers brought home Syrian wives and natural children ; while, in much later times, the persecution of the French Huguenots, in the reign of Louis the Fourteenth, led to the emigration of between 300,000 and 400,000 persons, most of whom settled in England, were gradually nationalised, instituted some of our most valuable handicrafts, and gave us great scholars like Casaubon; men of letters like Daniel Defoe, Vanbrugh the dramatist, St. Evremond, James Martineau, and Planché; sculptors like Roubilliac; brave soldiers like Lord Ligonier; maritime explorers like Dampier; the greatest of English actors, in the person of David Garrick; Fourdrinier, the inventor of the paper-making machine; Sir A. Layard, the discoverer of Nineveh; Le Keux, the engraver ; and C, J. Latrobe, the first Governor of Victoria.

In carrying out the plan prescribed by the editor of this volume of abstracting from the political and isolating the social facts of our national history, the various writers have brought into prominence much interesting information that is not to be found in ordinary histories. For instance, how little is generally known of the state of agriculture in Britain just before its conquest by the Romans. Yet the country seems to have been rich in farm produce even at that early period. Whatever invaders had come into the island, Cæsar says, they had given up war for tillage. The island was densely populated, Cæsar thought; the buildings were numerous, and the number of cattle great. Among the agricultural exports were cattle and hides, and wheat and barley, of which there was abundance in the island. British hounds were highly prized, being used in war by the Gauls, and in the chase by the Romans." As protection was not yet invented our "rude forefathers" encouraged traffic with their neighbours on the other side of the sea, and obtained in exchange for their exports manufactured articles in iron and bronze, pottery, salt, and cloth. But they seem to have fabricated ceramic wares of their own, of which many examples, in the shape of cinerary urns, drinking cups, and immolation urns, are preserved in the mother country. They also manufactured good serviceable homespun, for "Pliny describes the texture of the cloth from which the Briton's sleeved jacket, trousers, hat, and cloak were made. It was a coarse felt, and so thick as to be a protection against a sword." The gold torques and rings with which the more prosperous members of the community decorated their persons, and the pins and brooches made of polished boar's tusks, appear to have been of native manufacture.

The characteristic institutions of Britain, before its occupation by the Romans, were the free tribe and the bond village. The former was of Aryan origin ; and the tribesman was tall and fair-haired, hospitable, and generous, fond of war and of the chase. He looked down upon the Iberian villager, who either served or paid tribute to him. The tribe was composed of many free heads of families, banded together for purposes of defence, of law, and of tillage. The villagers, whose descendants were afterwards called "villeins," were not allowed to bear arms; they were the bondmen of the superior race, and were not permitted to marry into a free tribal family. We find the tribes surviving the Roman domination, and when Britain regained her independence she was ruled by tribal kings.

What was England like at the end of the fifth century, when it had really become Angle-land? Mr. F. G. Powell tells us that "it was largely cleared and drained and tilled. Here were long water-meadows and fine hill pastures, with herds of cattle and flocks of sheep of divers breeds ; here were herb-gardens, and orchards and vineyards about the houses ; and here were broad cornfields of many acres, producing more grain than the island could consume. The arable was neatly tilled, mostly in the Roman fashion, on the three-field course, and worked with the improved tools and plant of Roman husbandry—iron-coultered ploughs, iron hoes and picks, and iron-shod spades. There were ironworks, mines for tin and lead, marl pits, quarries, potteries, brick and tile kilns, glassworks, and fisheries." As to the old English village, its social composition was almost identical with what it is in the present day. There was the thegn or squire, and the priest appointed by himself; there was the yeoman, who farmed his own land, and the geneat, who was the thegn's tenant. Then there were the peasants, who were unfree ; the labourers, who were serfs; and the village tradesmen, who were free men, and often wandered from place to place. "In early times," writes Mr. Powell, "the women-servants and menials about the yeoman's or the gentleman's house were absolute slaves, and were bought and sold as cattle."

It will be observed that mention is made of vineyards, and although these were probably planted only in the southern portions of the island, yet their evidence, even there, would seem to indicate that the climate must have been much warmer than it is now; for wine was made of the grapes, and wine-presses are depicted in the illuminated manuscripts of the period. Later on, when Domesday Book was compiled, there were as many as 38 vineyards in the mother country. But ale and mead were the popular beverages, as well as a liquor called morat, made from honey and the juice of the mulberry. Ale-houses were common, and convivial habits so general that it was found necessary to forbid priests frequenting the "wine tuns."

At the time of the Norman Conquest the population of England was about 2,000,000 souls; two-thirds of whom were " villeins" and bandsmen. William had won the island at the point of the sword, and with great courage, and he repressed subsequent insurrections with a remorseless hand. The "Wasting of the North," for example, was attended by the ruin and almost the depopulation of the whole of Yorkshire. "Everywhere," observes Mr. A. L. Smith, in the third chapter of the book, "William's methods were the same—to strike terror by ruthless devastation ; to secure the towns by strong Norman garrisons and stone castles; to appoint Norman earls whom he could trust; but to win over the English by pardons and by recognition of native customs and ideas. He was anxious from the first to take up the position of a lawful English king." It is curious to find that what we should now call the crown-lands revenue was paid very largely in kind ; and the scale of commutation shows us what prices were then. An ox was regarded as equivalent to a shilling, a sheep to fourpence ; fodder for twenty horses fourpence; and bread for a hundred men a shilling.

Sanguinary as were the methods by which the Norman Conquest was accomplished, the results were beneficial on the whole to the English people, and to national development. According to the Peterborough Chronicle, the good order established by William was such "that any man who was himself aught might travel from end to end of the land unharmed; and no man durst kill another, however great the injury which he received." Such a state of things offered a striking contrast to the insecurity and anarchy of Anglo-Saxon days, and, although the King made his subjects pay dearly for the internal peace they enjoyed, it encouraged commerce and the arts of life; for "foreign merchants flocked to London and Westminster, to Ipswich, and Boston, and Lincoln. Foreign craftsmen settled everywhere, and all the trades of the mason, the carpenter, the glass-maker, and the workers in metals mast have received an immense stimulus from the castles, cathedrals, and abbeys which began to arise everywhere in the new architecture." This was the Norman, the noblest form of Romanesque; and about the year 1,200 it modulated into the Early English, our first purely English architecture, and the most beautiful of all forms of the so-called Gothic.

These extracts may serve to give some idea of the nature of a work which will take a place of its own amongst our national histories, because it traces the social progress of our race through the various departments of activity which sum up the life of a people.

*Social England. By various writers. Edited, by H. D. Traill. London:Cassell and Co. Melbourne: Melville, Mullen, and Slade.

Australasian (Melbourne, Vic. : 1864 - 1946), Saturday 24 March 1894, page 37

JOHN MITCHEL ON THE CELTIC RACE.

 "The Footsteps of the Celt."— A Lecture. Right glad are we to be able to lay the first part of John Mitchel's lecture on the Celtic Race before our Australasian readers. To any of them who have ever been obliged to listen to a cant lecture or a clap-trap conversation on the unsurpassable— yea, the ineffable— excellencies of Anglo-Saxonism, this lecture of Mitchells must be positively refreshing. We need not detain the reader any longer by any remarks of ours from the rich intellectual banquet before him — he must be anxious to peruse the brave Mitchel's comments on the Celt. Never was noble theme in abler hands.

PART I.

Ethnology, or inquiry into the origins, genealogies, relationships, and moral and physical diversities of races of men has much occupied the literary world in this age. Yet not altogether as a matter of abstract science. The age we have the good fortune to live in is too wise to mind abstract science much. We require utilitarian application.

UTILITARIAN VIEW OF THE SUBJECT.

In the case of this question of race especially we pursue it mainly to satisfy ourselves and the rest of mankind that we, and each tribe and kindred of us respectively, belongs to a high family amongst the children of men. The result, the profit, and " vantage" of our scientific labour, then, immediately appears. Namely, the lands and goods of those races who are proved to our satisfaction to be of an inferior grade in the scale of humanity— divine right to civilize them — divine right to pour out scorn or pity upon them ; especially to exact civil obedience from them, and impose our laws upon them ; and to those literary and scientific persons who will prove all this for us, by history, by the shape of skulls, by the size of brain, by the facial angle, by the colour, the stature, the language, or otherwise, we are ready to pay much money, strictly however as an investment, not as an honorary reward. So it has come to pass that this kind of inquiry, instead of being scientifically pursued, is, in the hands of most ethnologists, only an elaborate excuse for oppression, a learned apology for insolent braggadocio, or a philosophical weapon of party of warfare.
In America, for instance, if the literati of the north hold with Blumenbach and Prichard the doctrine of the unity of races, and that all the inhabitants of the earth have descended from one pair, it seems to be with a direct view to the abolition of negro slavery, with a view to Governor Reeder, with a view to the Presidential election. If Southerners are clearly convinced by the arguments of Agassiz and of the learned and laborious Messrs. Nott and Cliddon, that there are original and ineffaceable types of humanity demonstrating the original creation of several distinct pairs of ancestors, it seems to be because they are glad to be persuaded that they do not hold in bondage their own full brothers and sisters. The Russians find no difficulty in coming to the conclusion, founded on strictest induction, that the Slavic race is the favorite of heaven, the predestined executor of the destined of Providence and heir of the empire of the world, and the French are with equal facility reasoned into the belief (founded however, as usual, on the most profound scientific research) that the Celtic hold the commission of the Almighty to regenerate and lead the human species.

ENGLISH WRITERS ON CELTS AND SAXONS.

But those who read exclusively the writers of the English language find themselves at no loss to determine who is the real and authentic ruler and civilizer of men. Need I tell you who? It is that imaginary being, endowed with a godlike energy, and inspired by a divine passion for the goods of other men— the illustrious, the Christian, the benevolent, the irresistible Anglo-Saxon. All diligent students of that literature must also have had occasion to observe that the Celtic race, by which the said writers mean the Celts of Ireland, are obviously intended by Providence as hewers of wood and drawers of water, carriers of hods and diggers of railroads. And of course in all historic deductions of the genealogy of the tribes and nations who have from time to time established themselves in Great Britain and Ireland the drift of those writers, from Carlyle and Dr. Arnold down to Macaulay and the Times newspaper, is to demonstrate or to have the assumption admitted without demonstrating — that the present actual inhabitants of England are for the most part of Anglo-Saxon blood — the present actual inhabitants of Ireland mainly Celts. And seeing that the English people have felt a vocation to take into their hands the management of Ireland, and all the affairs of her people, it has become the duty of their literary men and their press to attribute all differences in the disposition and national character of the two nations to inferiority of the Celt. This has occasionally grown into a passion, manifesting itself in outrageous ribaldry and abuse — the " lazy and incorrigible Celt," " the lawless Celt," "filthy and felonious rabble," these have been the soothing designations in common use for the inhabitants of "that portion of the United Kingdom." The Medical Times of 6th Sept. 1851, after describing the horrors of an emigrant ship, in which most of the passengers died, and the survivors made resistance to having their bodies pitched overboard, concludes thus : — This tragical history illustrates the unhappy ignorance and brutal obstinacy of the nation of Celtic savages with whom it is our misfortune to be so closely bound up."
And it is not merely an ignorant journalist, thinking of nothing but flattering the conceit of his readers whom we find drawing this kind of picture. Dr. Arnold of Rugby, one of the most learned in the language, gives this general account of the Celtic race :—
" When, therefore, they had done their appointed work of havoc, they were doomed to be themselves extirpated, or to be lost amidst nations of greater creative and constructive power; nor is there any race which has left fewer traces of itself in the character and institutions of modern civilisation."
We shall see how far this estimate is correct; but meantime observe the two amazing assumptions contained in this passage — first, that the " intellectual state of mankind" is improved or capable of improvement — that one race can "communicate points of human character" to supply the deficiencies of another — next that the work of the Celt in this world, namely " havoc and destruction" was appointed to him by Providence — that he has made havoc enough, and that he is "doomed to be extirpated or lost"— a pious conclusion which one cannot help associating with those constructive and creative British penal laws, British extermination and British famines in Ireland, which we thus find to have also an appointed work and Divine Mission of that same imaginary being, the Anglo-Saxon. Thus the ethnology of these two races, used as it has been either for mere self glorification, or for the more practical purposes of plunder, has become a chaos. In the English language, the term Saxon has become an expression for everything best and, the term Celt for everything worst, weakest, and wildest in human nature; so that English journals writing, for example, of the population of the United States of America, habitually term everything in your conduct which they can conscientiously praise, an Anglo-Saxon trait — everything which they feel it their duty to condemn, a piece of Celticism. Within the last few weeks, for example, the Times being grieved and offended by the circumstance of the American government resenting the attempt to crimp its citizens, attributes this "want of true dignity" (but more in sorrow than in anger) to " the predominance of Celtic blood" in the republic; but a few days after, thinking more calmly over it, the same paper kindly calls you its " Anglo-Saxon kinsmen" — and " looks forward, without jealousy and without apprehension, to the rapidly coming time when the Northern Continent of America shall be peopled from sea to sea by the hardy descendants of the Anglo Saxon race." Thus, in short, if you be good boys, you shall be Anglo-Saxons — if naughty, Celts. If you show sympathy with the Allies, you shall gloriously people North America — if for Russia, you are a generation long ago doomed to destruction, a criminal left for execution, whose extermination is a question of time. Well, then, seeing that the word Celt is in so common use ; and seeing that very few of those who so commonly use it have the least suspicion what a Celt is, most people being content with the simple theory, that the Celt is nothing but an Irishman, especially with O or Mac to his name, and more especially if he be of the Catholic religion, it be comes worth while to inquire whether there are now any Celts on the earth, — and if so, who is the Celt ? and how may we know him ? Within the space of a lecture no full investigation of these questions can be made — only an outline indication of their principal elements. The inquiry is deeply interesting in itself, and deserves to be studied, without any reference to the healing of wounded national pride or the justifying of national ambition, but with the judicial coolness and calmness with which one would discuss any other branch of natural history.

ANTIQUITY AND PREVALENCE OF THE CELTIC RACE.

Whether what we call the Celtic race be the descendants of the Titans and of Gomar and the Cretan Saturn, so that the Welsh speak, this day, the very tongue of Olympian Jupiter, as the learned Abbe Pezron with much ingenuity endeavours to demonstrate; whether the great body of that race ever came from the East at all, as those who trace everything in the course of the sun have uniformly contended — or whether the race who anciently occupied Western Europe form one of the original types of mankind, and grew up in the plains of Gaul and on the hills of Ireland, just as the oak and the Shamrock did, I do not at present inquire. It would lead us too far into mythology. Coming, however, to the earliest indications of authentic history ; from the first moments that the mists of antiquity begin partially to clear away, and we can dimly see the forms and hear the voices of the men who then moved and lived in Europe, it is admitted on all hands that by far the greater number of Europeans belonged to that family which the Greeks called Kelts and the Latins Gauls. For these facts and circumstances which show the Pelasgians or most ancient Greeks to have been Celts, and for lists of the radical Greek words which are actually Celtic, I must refer to the aforesaid Abbe Pezron.

THE CELTS IN ANCIENT ITALY, GERMANY, SPAIN AND FRANCE.

As for Italy, those old nations who occupied a large portion of that peninsula before Rome was founded under the names of the Etruscans, the Oscans, the Sabines, the Umbrians, are now generally admitted to have been of Celtic stock — and the latin language is as clearly the offspring of the Irish, as it is the mother of the French. The great plain of North Italy called the Celtic plain, and afterwards Cisalpine Gaul, was always purely Celtic; and whether the Goths and Longobards who established themselves there at the downfall of the Roman empire not only founded a dominion in that country, but exterminated or destroyed the former inhabitants, is a question on which we shall see some light presently. Spain, France, and the Islands of Great Britain and Ireland seem to have been once altogether Celtic, though all more or less mingled with other human families by immigration.

THE ANCIENT CELTS FILIBUSTERS.

For there was a great and continual movement in those days. Fair lands invited enterprize. Tyranny, invasion, oppression, or a mere swarm of population, caused many an exodus; filibusterism universally prevailed, and manifest destiny ruled the hour. Neither was there at hand any zealous District Attorney to warn the adventurers from the path pointed out by Fate or by prophecy, by a pillar of fire or by a stone of Destiny, or by the mystic sign of a snow-white sow. Most modern writers bring the waves of population all from the East ; and at the period of the subversion of the great Roman Empire, from the East assuredly the human tide flowed ; but long before that age, long before Julius Caesar invaded Gaul, we have his testimony to the effect that the Celts of Gaul being excessively numerous, and their country overflowing with people, had poured over the Rhine, and spread themselves over Ger many. Thrace was deluged by them, and a great multitude of them made settlements in the interior of Asia Minor, under the name of Galataa or Gauls: so that when the Apostle Paul wrote his Epistles to the Churches, that which is superscribed "to the Galatians" might be as accurately termed the "Epistle of St. Paul to the Celts" — a correspondence in which the Gael might take some pride but for the circumstance that the Apostle addresses them in terms of severe censure — ' Oh ye foolish Galatians !' In Germany, however, these great inundations of Celts left a progeny out of which nations have grown, and the Bavarians, Bohemians, Helvetians, mark where manifest destiny pitched their tents.

HOW THE CELTS CAME TO IRELAND.

On the mainland of Europe, indeed, the earliest migrations were from West to East. By sea, however, after the Phoenicians had discovered the art of navigation, the coasts of Spain first, and from thence the coasts of Ireland became open to the visits of seafaring adventurers from the Mediterranean, who came either for conquest, like the Milesian Scoti, or for trade like the Carthaginians, or seeking asylum from their enemies like the African Fomorians, who were in fact no other than the Canaanites expelled from Palestine by the sons of Israel. "We fly before the face of Joshua the Robber," was the inscription long legible in Punic, on a pillar set up by these wanderers near the fountain of the Magi at Tangier. Ireland received rather more than her full share of these adventurers.
"There came the brown Phoenician
The man of trade and toil —
There came the proud Milesian,
A hungering for spoil ;
And the Furbolg, and the Cymry,
And the hard, enduring Dane,
And the iron Lords of Normandy,
With the Saxons in their train."

THE CELTIC RACE DOMINANT IN FRANCE.

France, too, received Greek colonies on her southern coast, and yielded to Frankish invaders of Germanic blood on her eastern borders, and later still, gave settlements on northern coast to the Scandinavian Normans ; but in respect of all these admixtures of foreign people, there are two main considerations to be borne in mind. First, that there was no extirpation or removal of the prior inhabitants: the strangers, whether as colonists or invaders, do not seem to have brought their women and children, or to have moved with the whole mass of their nation, so as to expel the people they came amongst, and wholly occupy their place. And, second, it is an universal law of animated nature, that in the mixture of any two races, the smaller element is in a few generations altogether merged, absorbed, and destroyed by the greater —the larger mass of life swallows up the lesser, the original type still tends and strives to regain its purity ; and in order to maintain the physical and moral effects of any cross there must be a constant supply of the foreign element. The inference from these facts is very clear — it is that the populations both of Gaul and Hibernia remained after all those invasions and colonizations as purely Celtic as before. History to be sure, occupies itself with movement and action, with the establishment of empires and the achievements of kings and chiefs, but is silent about the moss of quiet life. Nature is kinder than history, and stronger than law givers and conquerors. When Rollo and his Horsemen settled on the plains of Normandy, they were Scandinavian fillibusteros, of great stature and powerful frame, speaking the Norwegian tongue, and worshipping Odin and Thor.

FRENCH CELTS CONQUER ENGLAND.

Two hundred years after, the men who inhabited Normandy, and who were then called the "Normans," were simply French — French in their language, physique, and religion. The invading Normans had been swallowed up — their blood had not been diluted, it had disappeared, and they were probably as Celtic as their neighbours the Breton. The Germans in Italy (says William of Apulia), ridiculed the small, light made, and dark haired Normans, but they soon felt their prowess. We know that when the Normans invaded and conquered England, both the Anglo-Saxons, and even the Danes, settled in that country, regarded them as mere Gauls, felt no sympathy of race with them, and, as Dr. Arnold distinctly says, " The historians of Denmark talk of the Norman conquerors of England as a people of Roman or Latin race (the Danes called the Gauls Romans), and deplore the conquest as a triumph of the Roman (that is the Gaulish) blood and language over the Teutonic" — as in truth it was. Celtic France, in short, had received them all, Massilian Greeks, Romans of the Province, Franks of Germany, and Scandinavians of Norway, and had swallowed them all into her own strong life, poured her own blood through their veins; so that at this day France is wholly Celtic, and every French soldier who scaled the Malakoff, was as pure a Celt as McMahon who led them on.
(To be continued.)

Freeman's Journal (Sydney, NSW : 1850 - 1932), Saturday 5 July 1856, page 4

CONCERNING ARISTOCRATS.

 In an article in the Westminster Gazette Mr. Grant Allen lets himself go "concerning aristocrats." "Aristocracies," he writes, as a rule all the world over, consist, and have always consisted, of barbaric conquerors or their descendants, who remain to the last, on the average of instances, at a lower grade of civilisation and morals than the democracy they live among. Most English people in particular think that a lord is born a better judge of pictures and wines and books and deportment than the human average of us. But history shows us the exact opposite. The noble families of modern and mediaeval Europe sprang, as a whole, from the Teutonic invasion of the Roman Empire. In Italy it was the Lombards and the Goths who formed the bulk of the great ruling families ; all the well-known aristocratic names of mediaeval Italy are without exception Teutonic. In Gaul it was the rude Frank who gave the aristocratic element to the mixed nationality, while it was the civilised and cultivated Romano-Celtic provincial who became, by fate, the mere roturier. The great revolution, it has been well said, was, ethnically speaking, nothing more than the revolt of the civilised Celtic against the Teutonic faction; and, one might add also, the revolt of the Romanised serf against the barbaric seigneur. In Spain the hildalgo is just the hi d'al Go, the son of the Goth, the descendant of those rude Visigothic conquerors who broke down the old civilisation of Iberian and Romanised Hispania. And so on throughout. All over Europe, if you care to look close, you will find the aristocrat was the son of the intrusive barbarian ; the democrat was the son of the old civilised and educated autochthonous people.

Take Greece. Its most aristocratic state was undoubtedly Sparta, where a handful of essentially barbaric Dorians held in check a much larger and Helotised population of higher original civilisation. Take the East: the Persian was a wild mountain adventurer who imposed himself as an aristocrat upon the far more cultivated Babylonian, Assyrian, and Egyptian. The same sort of thing had happened earlier in time in Babylonia and Assyria themselves, where barbaric conquerors had similarly imposed themselves upon the first-known historical civilisations. Take India under the Moguls, once more; the aristocracy of the time consisted of the rude Mohammedan Tartar, who lorded it over the ancient enchorial culture of Rajpoot and Brahmin. Take China: the same thing over again; a Tartar horde imposing its savage rule over the most ancient civilised people of Asia. Take England ; its aristocracy at different times has consisted of the various barbaric invaders, first the Anglo-Saxon (if I must use that hateful and misleading word)— a pirate from Sleswick; then the Dane, another pirate from Denmark direct; then the Norman, a yet younger Danish pirate, with a thin veneer of early French culture, who came over from Normandy to better himself after just two generations of Christian apprenticeship. Go where you will it matters not where you look; from the Aztec in Mexico to the Turk at Constantinople, or the Arab in North Africa, the aristocrat belongs invariably to a lower race than the civilised people whom he has conquered and subjugated.

"That may be true, perhaps," you object, "as to the remote historical origin of aristocracies ; but surely the aristocrat of later generations has acquired all the science, all the art, all the polish of the people he lives amongst. He is the flower of their civilisation." Don't you believe it! There isn't a word of truth in it. From first to last the aristocrat remains, what Matthew Arnold so justly called him, a barbarian. The "gentleman" is, above all things, a fighter, a hunter, and a fisher —he preserves the three simplest and commonest barbaric functions. He is not a practiser of any civilised and civilising art—a craftsman, a maker, a worker in metal, in stone, in textile fabrics, in pottery. His one task is to kill—either his kind or his quarry. The fact is, neither he nor his ancestors have ever been really civilised. Their very titles are barbaric and military. Their crests and coat-of-arms are but the totems of their savage predecessors, afterwards utilised by mediæval blacksmiths as distinguishing marks for the summit of a helmet. They decorate their halls with savage trophies of the chase, like the Zulu or the red Indian; they hang up captured arms and looted Chinese jars from the Summer Palace in their semi-civilised drawing-rooms. They love to be surrounded by grooms and gamekeepers and other barbaric retainers ; they pass their lives in the midst of serfs; their views about the position and rights of women—especially the women of the " lower orders"—are, frankly, African. They share the sentiments of Achilles as to the individuality of Chryseis and Briseis.

Express and Telegraph (Adelaide, 1893,)  http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article208296642

"THE GLORIOUS FOURTH."

 The famous Declaration of Independence, which accompanied the creation of a new and wonderfully virile and progressive Power in North America, was adopted on July 4, 1776, and the United States to-day comprises 40 sovereignties linked together by a federal bond for common national objects, but possessing their own administrations for local domestic affairs. The Republic was founded upon the Anglo-Saxon's ineradicable devotion to the principles of civil and religious liberty. Through malign influences, exercised by a decadent Court and corrupt or weak Ministers, the claims of sturdy and self-reliant pioneer settlers were ignored or misrepresented in the motherland, and a fratricidal war was waged, which resulted in the loss to England of her then fairest and best colonial inheritance. During many years enmities smouldered; but eventually all traces of rancour were removed, and the present generation has witnessed the evolution of a firm and fast friendship between the two nations. Leading Britons have freely deplored the follies and wrongs perpetrated by their ancestors, and paid generous tribute to the achievements of eminent Americans on behalf of noble causes. England's heart was moved by the costly and sanguinary struggle which ended in the emancipation of the Southern slaves, and the consolidation of the Union. In the words of Emerson, Abraham Lincoln "conquered the public opinion of Canada, England, and France." A common language and literature, and aims and interests which testify to oneness of spirit relatively to the march of Christian civilization, have induced Britons and Americans gladly to join hands as brothers, and to determine never again to meet as foes in warfare. The celebration of "The Glorious Fourth" to-day will be characterized by the heartiest expressions of goodwill from all British communities, owing to the expected ratification at an early date of the general arbitration treaty, which solemnly records that epoch making decision.
Australia's regard for the United States and its founders was indicated in her choice of the American Constitution as a model on which to form a federal union under the British Crown. It was also enthusiastically manifested during the visit to Commonwealth seaports of an American fleet of warships a few years ago. High tariff walls on both sides of the Pacific are formidable obstacles to commercial intercourse; but there are signs that Americans will shortly reform their fiscal policy with the view of encouraging oversea trade. Recent remarkable Democratic successes at the Congressional elections, and the strong support given by President Taft and his friends to the proposed reciprocity treaty with Canada, will almost certainly be followed by tariff changes which will bring America into more living union with British countries and the outside world generally. Far-seeing politicians at Washington declare that their country must have foreign markets for its manufactures, and these can be obtained only by means of reciprocal agreements, which will practically abolish the existing heavy duties. Developments in the Far East and in the Pacific have obliged the United States to look beyond her own boundaries and become a world Power. Possession of the Panama Canal will by and by greatly increase her influence and responsibilities, and require the constant exercise of wise and tactful statesmanship concerning her relations with foreign Powers. Many Americans lament the growth of the Imperial spirit. They would like the Republic ever to stand aloof from other nations, and to pursue an even path of non-intervention. Such an ideal might be desirable, but in a world where International and racial upheavals periodically occur it is outside the pale of practical politics. "Nations, like kings, are not good by facility and complaisance." Easy good nature has at times been the dangerous foible of the Republic; but its statesmen are now alive to the need of vigilance and firmness in order to protect its best interests.
The greatest danger to the United States, as is pointed out by Mr. Roosevelt, is from within. Race suicide threatens in time, to produce a momentous transformation. It would be a fact of enormous importance if the dominant race of immigrants to North America, before which the Indian aborigines faded away, were in its turn to disappear before the mighty stream of immigration from eastern and southern Europe. In a former age the settlement of Germanic tribes in Italy shook the German civilization to its foundations, and some American writers are fearful that Anglo-American civilization will suffer seriously at the hands of a new race, compounded of Slav, Magyar, and Italian elements, which is tending to replace the old American stock. All observers of American life contend that social contrasts under the Stars and Stripes are far less evident than racial contrasts. In an extensive quarter of New York the side streets recall Naples, and the Mafia is reminiscent of Sicily; in another quarter the Jews of Eastern Europe have reassembled in all their grinding poverty; other parts are inhabited chiefly by Hungarians, Russians, and other nationalities. This condition is typical of other large centres. The stream of white immigration which flows unceasingly into the American continent has in the course of the last few years changed in character. The Celtic element has notably lessened. Britons are not attracted to the States as they were formerly. During the period 1901 to 1909 the immigrants from eastern and southern Europe numbered 5,477,000 compared with only 80,000 from British and Germanic countries. "If the developments of recent years continue," writes Mr. L. Quessel, "a new Slavonic kingdom will ultimately arise on American soil, larger and mightier than any of the Slav countries of Europe." All available facts show that the dominant race in the Union, which forcibly prevents the reproduction of Mongolian immigrants and discourages by social oppression the increase of the negroes, is itself losing the will for propagation in a measure indispensable to assure its own continuance. The Anglo-American population seems, indeed, to have begun to decline. If its present low birthrate should continue, nothing can save that race from ultimate extinction as a political and social factor in the nation, but a revival of the Anglo-Saxon and German streams of immigration. The selfish pessimism which accounts for so many childless marriages may have calamitous effects which the best possible system of public education will not mitigate.

Register (Adelaide,  1911, ) http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article58443928