Showing posts with label fiction. Show all posts
Showing posts with label fiction. Show all posts

Thursday, 8 June 2023

MILLENNIAL LITERATURE.

 

(From the London Review.)

THE dawn and sunset, at least in poetry, are always steeped in gold and in like manner the two horizons of our being, the Past and the Future, are, in the eyes of reflective persons, lit up with the splendour of a golden age. Dissatisfaction with the Present must assume one of these two forms; it must look back on the past with affection and regret, or forward to the Future with fond expectation. The ancients were prone to the former view, the moderns are prone to the future. The ruder the tribe, the more does it delight in an age of Saturn—a period long past, when the gods appeared among men, when mortals had angel lovers, when Odin was the Messiah of the Norsemen, and " Gitohe Manito, the mighty, smoked the calumet, the peace pipe, as a signal to the nations." But even among the ancients, the more thoughtful placed their reliance upon the future ; Plato devised an imaginary Republic, where justice and virtue should reign triumphant; and Cumæan sibyls sang of One who should restore the world's prime, calm the passions of men and the fierceness of beasts, link the nations together in peaceful brotherhood, and multiply upon all living things the blessing of perpetual summer, copious riches, and unbroken health. Sir Thomas More echoed Plato, and raised a very queer little island in unknown seas, which he called Utopia, where goods were to be divided, and all sorts of happy dreams realised. The millennium of the first century of Christianity, of the Abbot Joachim, surnamed the Prophet, in the twelfth century, of Ben Ezra, and of Edward Irving, is a better defined Utopia than that of Sir Thomas. We are happy to learn from Dr. Cumming that it may be expected in a year or two at the most, for we have never been able to give credence to the Swedenborgians when they assured us, on the authority of their founder, that it is come already. We fully admit the improvements in London and Paris, but they hardly, and Vienna and St. Petesburg perhaps still less, come up to our ideas of the New Jerusalem. The millennium has supplied a multitude of attractive images to Cowper in his, "Winter Walk," and to follow in his " Course of Time ;" and though we cannot help doubting whether it will ever be safe to let " the lion and the libbard and the bear graze with the fearless flocks," there are other features in the millennial programme more likely and easy to be attained. That "rivers of gladness should water all the earth and clothe all climes with beauty" in the "scenes surpassing fable and yet true"— that fertile lands, laughing with abundance, should "exult to see their thistly curse repealed"— that there should be " none to covet ' where all are full—that all creatures should worship man and all mankind one Father —that error like a " creeping pestilence," should be chased away— that disease should die out, and the pure and uncontaminated blood hold its due course nor fear the frost of age"— that the rams of Nebaioth and the flocks of Kedar should gather to the true light of the sacred city, and that " the looms of Ormus, and the mines of Ind, and Saba's spicy groves " should pay tribute there—are visions which, however figurative, may be securely indulged in by the most sober philanthropist, visions which harmonise with those of another poet whose expectations are based on Mill rather than Isaiah, who has "dipt into the future, " and seen " the vision of the world " and all the wonders that will be—

"When the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle flags are

furled

In the parliament of man, the federation of the world ;

When the common sense of most shall hold a fretful realm in

awe,

And the kindly earth shall slumber, kept in universal law. "

After three hundred years of reading printed books, society has arrived at a point beyond which its future is likely to be an onward march. It looks back on so many obstacles overcome, so many revivals after decay, that it is now in the position of an invading army which occupies all the strongest fortresses, and is moving straight towards the capital. Good is ever seen to spring out of its evils and abuses— good which is not isolated, but links on to other good, and co-operates with it to an end. The entire train is in motion. Civilised nations lead on half-civilised, and half civilised drag forward the uncivilised. Scarcely will you find on the face of the earth a retrograde movement. The impetus given everywhere to progress has been communicated even to dead matter, and the powers of nature are quickened by the powers of thought. Hence all literature takes a prospective turn, and labours, either consciously or unconsciously, for the achievement of a grand and glorious result in the distance of time. In this sense it is millennial. Its progressive character is  manifest in every branch, and the keen observer will detect it in every twig and bud. It peeps forth, from every column in a newspaper no less than from every page of an encyclopædia. It is confined to no one breed, and to no one class of thinkers. Christian, unchristian, and even antichristian writers conspire in various ways, and in different degrees, in raising the degraded masses of humanity, and inspiring them with new hopes and prospects. Dean Stanley and Victor Hugo, Dr Pusey and Carlyle, Dr Newman and Renan, have many, very many points of contact ; and each is applying his powerful mind to improve his men, and to bring in " The Golden Year," when all men's good shall be each man's rule. In saying this we do not by any means mean to imply that the differences between them are of no account, nor to raise any question here about their respective claims. We write in the spirit of the last of the three divines above mentioned, who, in commenting upon "Ecce Homo," said, "It is substantially a good book, and, we trust, will work for good." Indeed, as regards the future of society, "all things work together for good." "All things wax, and roll onwards," says Carlyle ; "Arts, establishments, opinions, nothing is completed, but ever completing." Un genie finit l' autre, writes Victor Hugo. Newton adopts Kepler, and supplements Bacon; Milton strengthens Cromwell's hands, and Cromwell is the red right arm of the poets of freedom; the criticism of Herder and Lessing gives rise to the poetry of Goethe and Schiller ; the cession of Venetia to the Italians throws open the archives of Venice, and the national archives filling three hundred rooms supply many curious facts hitherto unknown in the history of England. Thus the organic filaments of thought are interwoven through all lands and throughout all time. All that is produced reproduces. Philosophers, poets, legislators, artists, naturalists, historians, hold one another's hands, and strike onward to higher, vaster, more beautiful combinations and results than have yet been seen.

There was a period in the history of Athens when oral instruction and disputation was the rage ; when new theories of the universe and of man were advanced in quick succession by philosophers and sophists, each more absurd and, perhaps, more ingenious than the former In science and morals they were quacks and impostors and their highest wisdom was philosophy run mad. The very reverse of all this obtains in our day. Our physical science being nothing more or less than the observation of nature, it must be true, so far as its inductions reach ; while every effort made among us for social improvement consists in quickening the understanding, imparting useful knowledge, and inculcating principles of justice between man and man. Thus, all popular literature tends to lessen the monstrous inequality of classes in society which has so long disgraced and retarded the human race, and to raise the labouring and poorer order from a serf-like dependence on rich employers. It pleads for a larger remuneration of labour, and a wider extension of political privileges. It advocates a better distribution of property by gradual and legal measures. It would leave every man free to dispose by will of his own goods and estates, and would teach the industrial part of the population to become, in a great degree, self-dependent. It would encourage employers to make their workmen partners, in their business, by promising them a percentage on its profits over and above their daily earnings. It would invite labourers not merely to associate thus with capitalists, but also to form companies or co-operative stores among themselves, and thus work on their own account, and rise in the social scale. In this way it is thought that their material condition would be improved, and that the habit of self-reliance and the sense of responsibility would engender self-respect, integrity, and the higher moral qualities. Half a century ago literature was straining every nerve to clear the seas of slave ships, and to wake the songs of freedom among the sugar-canes of the West. Now it is busy in behalf of women, whom it would render less dependent upon man. It would provide them more numerous fields of labour and sources of gain. It would, in view of the vast increase of population, open up to single women modes of livelihood hitherto untried, that so they may not be driven to seek marriage by compulsion, but support themselves easily and honourably. In its millennial character it cares also for our little ones. It is zealous for their instruction and in protecting them from the selfish exactions of merciless employers in unwholesome factories. It would check intoxication, not by stringent laws, but by improving the poor man's dwelling, making his home less repulsive, and providing him with the means of innocent recreation on the only day he is able to take any. It would promote subdivision of land in England, and longer leases in Ireland. It would indemnify the cottier for money he may have spent on improvements during his tenancy and in this and almost every other plan, which it proposes for the good of society, the elements of moral, mental, and material progress will, when carefully inspected, be found closely combined. The parliamentary debates every evening, which become literature on the next morning, exhibit this tendency uniformly and in great abundance. Our fathers had to struggle for the removal of intolerable grievances, but we often need a check, lest we should carry benevolent designs into operation prematurely. Theories which were ridiculed or despised when first put forward by Owen and Louis Blanc have now been reduced to practice, and shorn of their objectionable features. Competition among co-operative stores will be as useful and desirable as it is among individual labourers and as both increase the well-being of the working classes will be in every way more apparent. The long-standing relations existing between the rich and the poor, the master and the hireling, will be happily modified, and the gulf that separates industry and aristocracy will be narrowed and bridged over.

Such are some of the dreams in which political economy and social science now fondly indulge. We call them millennial, because they point to unlimited progress, and to results of which the importance and grandeur are likely to augment in an ever-increasing ratio. International policy is undergoing as many beneficial changes as national habits. Antipathies are wearing away, and the brotherhood of all races and peoples is more distinctly felt. Protection and monopoly have received mortal blows, and we may hope that their ultimate doom is sealed. As duelling is almost extinct, so wars are less frequent, and diplomacy finds a ready solution for disputes once settled only by the sword. The International Exhibition of all Nations in Paris is a scroll of prophecy. Compare it with the blood-stained annals of 1792 and 1793, or with the humiliating presence of the Allies there in 1815. It is literature—millennial literature —expressed in symbols more eloquent than those of speech and seems, with its thousand voices, to bid the ships and railroads of all seas and lands bear the mission of the Cross and the Press to ripen the harvest of " the golden year."


Sydney Morning Herald (NSW : 1842 - 1954), Thursday 27 June 1867, page 3


Wednesday, 11 March 2020

DEMOCRACY AND LITERATURE.

Among the most potent factors affecting the trend of literary thought and expression of to-day, and of yesterday, democracy and science are well to the fore, and increasingly appear to be playing a leading part in the spiritual and social revolution that has been, unobtrusively up to the time of the Great War, at work in every centre of thought throughout the civilised world. Democracy is blindly seeking after an ideal, but vaguely conceived, along many byways and dangerous paths, relying in pathetic helplessness on the guidance of whatever force at the time is prominent. Philosophy, belles-lettres, science have each had their time of rule, and the influence of science on the evolution of democracy is still the main factor to-day, although one that unmistakably is on the wane. Belles-lettres played an important part in establishing the rule of democracy throughout the world, a rule introduced in violence and bloodshed by the great French Revolution towards the end of the eighteenth century. This revolution was the last stage of a movement, European rather than national, that had its beginning in the Renaissance of the fifteenth century, and although, as an actually destructive force, confined within the French borders, it exerted a revolutionary influence, and a marked one, that gradually took effect throughout the civilised world. As an act of violence the French Revolution overthrew finally those autocratic powers the undermining of which had been inaugurated some five centuries before by the intelligentsia of Italy. Right through the eighteenth century, and especially in England, France, and Germany, the literary effort of outstanding merit is forging a new philosophy, or, at least, reviving an old one long forgotten, and preparing the minds of men for the great social change so rapidly approaching. From the countries of the North the impulse comes, from Germany, from England especially, through almost five centuries of effort, of literary effort, to be returned to them by France and the South in general with untold interest. Hobbes, Locke, Pope in England, Kant, Goethe, and Schiller in Germany, Spinoza in Italy, Voltaire, Diderot, and Rousseau in France, all men of letters, all have played a part, and a leading part, in the rise of democracy.

What has been the effect of our modern democracy, a democracy born partly of the efforts of literary men, on the trend of literature in general ? Just as the social revolution was brewing right through the eighteenth century, so a literary revolution was under way and swept over Europe with the new democracy. The eighteenth century, in its literary expression, is classical in so far as it has set up as gods of good taste well-known and definite models which it tries to emulate by the means of well-known and definite rules. With the beginning of the nineteenth century comes the literary revolution, known as the Romantic Revolt. The individual is exalted, placed on a pedestal, literary rules are set aside and ideals sought for, no longer in the past, but in dreamland. Imagination replaces reason and brings in its wake, as an inevitable consequence, exaggeration. Such at first is the result of the influence of democracy on literature. But a change rapidly takes place, the first flush of enthusiasm past, the first cup of liberty drained, gradually the conviction grew that although democracy means, or should mean, the freedom of the individual, it inevitably limits the scope of individual effort. The shackles of democracy, when they were first realised, loomed large in the minds of literary men, exerted a depressing influence, and, in a democracy more and more under the guidance of scientific thought, left a deep impression, one to be deplored, on the representative literature produced during the century. Early the danger was realised, magnified, and the French critic, Tocqueville, moved to exclaim : "In America the majority draws a formidable circle around thought. Within the determined limits a writer is free; but woe to him if he should pass beyond them." Later Scherer, a pessimist, a cold analyst of intellects, maintained that democracy doomed mankind to mediocrity for : "The general level rises with democracy; the average of comfort, of knowledge, perhaps even of morality, is higher; on the other hand, and by a parallel movement, all that is superior is lowered, and the average of which I speak is the result of the lowering of the minority, as well as of the elevation of the masses." The reign of democracy is a reign of mediocrity ! the extinction of great initiative ! the establishment of an intellectual conservatism ! All this, doubtless, is true, or in the main true, yet not the whole truth, for democracy has many gifts to lavish on literature.

"Modern conditions are not seemingly such as to allow of the rise of another Shakespeare, of another Milton or even of a Wordsworth; modern conditions emphasise unduly the utilitarian and commercial aspects of literary production, but yet modern conditions throw open wide the door of opportunity to all talents. The individual genius perhaps may not find surroundings and conditions suitable to the utmost development of his gift ; but on the other hand the scope and diversity of literary effort is increased manifold. In a democracy that is alive, healthy, vigorous, thousands of minds are busily engaged contributing to the stock of human knowledge where, formerly, the task of intellectuality fell on the shoulders of but a very few men of outstanding genius. The general standard at first is low, must be low, but as time goes on it will improve, slowly it is true, but surely, as increased opportunity must bring multiplicity of interests, multiplicity of influences, and a greater diversity of mental types. When Europe was young court life was the centre around which literature revolved, and literature was then prone to sameness, and often guilty of monotony. When Europe was in its adolescence, under the ferrule of Italian ushers, at school with the learning of Greece and Rome, literature became the handmaid of the town, produced by and for a small circle of wits, who determined its tone and scope, and left it shorn of much that makes it great. Democracy has widened the range of literature, and complex in itself, it has provided a circle of admirers and hearers for the encouragement of almost every thinker. In a few essentials the majority imposed its will, but within the circle there remains ample space for the expression of an infinity of minorities, and the literature of a great democracy, if lacking the outstanding masterpiece, will be as various as the diversity of interests amongst its component parts. An intellectual tendency of democracy is a leaning towards abstractions, a tendency to seize on general principles, and to apply them, regardless of their limitations or surroundings, to all the problems of life. This tendency in literature, and especially in the literature of imagination, finds expression in the love of the grandiose, of imagery, and of vague sentimentality, and this is typical of the mystic poetry of the Romantic school. But the influence of science has been at work since then, and our literature has swung almost to the other extreme. We are losing sight of the great truths of life in a too minute study of detail—the photographer is taking the place of the painter ! We are in danger of losing ourselves, and of forgetting that although much knowledge is good, in the words of Burke, "the power of diversifying the matter infinitely in your own mind, and of applying it on every occasion that arises, is far better."

Brisbane Courier (Qld. : 1864 - 1933), Saturday 6 November 1920, page 4

Friday, 15 June 2018

MODERNISM.

The latest notable addition to the English vocabulary is the newly-coined word "modernism." Under its various synonyms it has also been incorporated in most European languages. Whenever the etymological mint is resorted to in this way it is to supply a deficiency in the verbal currency caused by the definite shaping of some new idea, for which a terse and accurate medium of expression is required. What is the idea expressed by the word modernism? Every age is in its own time a modern age. The modernity of to-day becomes the antiquity of to-morrow. The term modernism is, however, now used to connote a stage of human development which calls for a special punctuation mark in the world's history. It brings us to the end of the first chapter in the book of the renaissance. "Modernism" is the heading that has been given to the commencement of the second. A clumsy title, perhaps, but expressive enough all the same. Although the word is made special use of in connection with developments of religious thought, nothing would be more erroneous than to consider its application as limited to that particular sphere. A scholarly ecclesiastic giving up the problem of reconciling the "Leges Credendi" with the revelations of science, and an enfranchised woman voter demanding a reform of the tariff, are equally correct illustrations of what is meant by modernism, in the theological world modernism represents the resting-place of the tired truth-seeker, who does not admit that because the world goes round Christianity is necessarily a failure, and wants to believe that the morality of the Decalogue is not dependent on whether Joshua made the sun stand still or a flood ever rose fifteen cubits over the highest peak of the Alps. The man who does not want either to leave his Church or to turn his eyes away from the light of latter-day science makes what his conscience deems a fair compromise between reason and faith, and that compromise is one of the things which the word modernism is colloquially used to denote. How the Churches will accommodate themselves to this development, which is now affecting not only one, but all of them, is amongst the most interesting of the problems that the near future has to solve. There are also many serious problems which modernism sets before secular society for solution, and it is at some of these that we now propose to glance.
 Hallam draws the line between medieval and modern history near the end of the fifteenth century, when the Tudor dynasty succeeded to the British throne. The feudal system practically ended with the Wars of the Roses, though its spirit still remained, and life continued to take its color therefrom. This had to fade gradually out before modernism came in. It was not until "the schoolmaster went abroad" in the last century that the cult of modernism actually took shape. The schoolmaster banished the ghost from the old Manor House; made Hodge change his smock frock for a tailor-made coat; sent him to get his information about the outside world from the daily newspapers instead of the returned mariner, with his highly-colored stories of the Spanish Main and the Dry Tortugas; in a word, he took all the old bright romantic color out of his life and painted it over with cold utilitarian grey. The real herald of modernism was the fashion edict which abolished the distinctions of dress between classes and callings, so that it became impossible to tell whether the stranger walking beside you in the street was a draper's assistant or a duke. The floodgates of democracy were then let loose, and all the rest, from one adult one vote to the University open for all classes and both sexes, followed in inevitable sequence. A new literature was called for, a new drama, new music, new art, new standards of criticism. No more "Mysteries of Udolpho," and Scott with his gay romanticism superseded by the writer of the "novel with a purpose," who is, maybe, a woman, and perhaps a University graduate. Modernism has brought women out of the domestic sphere into politics, commerce, and industry, where they are made competitors against men. And, instead of competing as individuals, industrial warfare is now carried on by disciplined battalions under the system of trades-unionism. Time was when any tradesman could hang out his sign, and make a living in his own way. Modernism makes him a conscript in a drilled army of employees at a factory, and his wages and hours and conditions of labor are determined for him by a Court. His chances of ever getting out of the ruck are thus minimised, and the main incentive to effort thereby taken away. Modernism has deprived him of most of the simple pleasures that his less enlightened ancestors enjoyed, but has yet to provide an adequate substitute.
 The most serious problem arising out of it all, however, is that presented by the declining marriage and birth rates. With her modern education, the daughter of the manual laborer as a typewriter or a clerk or a saleswoman (she scorns domestic service) can support herself in more comfort than that usually enjoyed by the wife of a man belonging to her class. She therefore declines to marry, unless someone in a higher position asks her, and by remaining single she keeps down the wage rate, thereby rendering marriage more difficult to those who would otherwise face its responsibilities with a light heart. Besides, many of the men and women of the present day hesitate to expose their children to the risks of penury, and the difficulty of foreseeing how to make decent provision for families acts as an ever-increasing deterrent to matrimony. The result of this combination of causes is that the age at which people marry is going up. As modernism removes people further and further from nature, the operation of natural laws is hampered, while with every advance made in that direction the riddle of existence grows more and more complicated. Amongst the greatest achievement claimed for modernism is "the emancipation of woman." What has to be seen is whether this so-called emancipation does not mean servitude to a new set of social conditions that will ultimately prove less tolerable than the old ones from which she has been rescued. A vote may after all prove a poor substitute for a husband, and the clerk-ship in an office, given to her by modernism, a rather inadequate exchange for the position of mistress in a home, of which it tends to deprive the modern girl. It is not only in the old domains of dogmatic religion, therefore, that modernism is causing anxiety for the future. For the statesman and the economist it is raising perplexities quite equal to those with which it is surrounding the theologian. Modernism is not a definite proposition that either can take hold of and deal with. It is a matter neither of creed nor of platform; it postulates nothing; it asserts nothing; all its philosophy is curtly summed up in the soul-freezing questions— why and how ? These are its tests of everything. Whereas medievalism took all for granted, modernism takes nothing. It is impossible to suppose that the translation of the white race from a social and mental atmosphere to another so totally different should not be followed by alterations of character commensurate with the change of the conditions under which character is developed. Will that alteration make for increased happiness or for the reverse? It is by that test that modernism has to be judged, but the evidence of results on which the verdict has to be founded, conflicting as it is in many points, is not yet complete.

Daily Telegraph (Sydney, NSW : 1883 - 1930), Saturday 18 January 1908, page 8

Monday, 11 June 2018

ROMANTIC INTERPRETATION OF LIFE (Part 2)


ECONOMIC LIFE

 ROMANTIC AND REALISTIC INTERPRETATIONS.

 LECTURES BY DR. F. R.E. MAULDON, B.A., M.Ec.
 Under the general heading; of "Romantic and Realistic Interpretations of Economic Life," Dr. F.R.E. Mauldon delivered two addresses entitled The Romantic Approach," and "The Scientific Approach"




THE ROMANTIC APPROACH.

Dealing with "The Romantic Approach," Dr. Mauldon said:—
 There are as many ways of interpreting life as there are men, women and children who have lives to live. Not one of us but who is obliged, from our very babyhood, to sift the facts of our environment, to discover their meaning for ourselves, to recognise what is good and what is bad, to approve or disapprove. We thus accumulate a store of judgments upon life. These become the body of precedents to which we habitually form for guidance in new situations. Inherited temperament, early training, the impacts of our environment, our innate powers of reflection—these are forces and contours which determine the course and flow of the stream of tendencies which we call our habits and our outlook on life. We bring different degrees and qualities of imagination to the aid of reflection. Imagination is no mere idling with fancies. It is the power we possess in our minds, like that of a lens, to focus into a clear image the impressions we receive of the world about us. But the same impression coming to two different people may produce two distinctly different images in the two minds. According to the general bias of judgments already accumulated, so will the imagination tend to focus a new impression. If the bias—however started— is to focus impressions in their matter-of-factness, to see situations essentially as the outcome of causes, to give each observable thing or event an understood relation to other things and events, we tend to interpret life realistically. We may not preen ourselves by a belief that we are philosophers, or scientists, but actually it is by such use of the imagination that philosophy and science are built. If, however, the bias—again however started—is to focus impressions in in such a way that they will produce, either directly or indirectly, a highly pleasurable stimulus, to be less concerned with the origin of than the quality we attribute to a thing or event we observe, we tend to interpret life romantically. The word romantic is so often narrowed and shallowed by usage that its wider and deeper meanings are usually missed. To be romantic in the completest sense is to see life, not as it comes in impressions of matter-of-factness or as a chain of causes and effects, but in its quality, its poetry, its values for the human spirit. Thus all art and spiritual religion which penetrate beneath the factual appearance of things, and seek for hidden meanings which give life more value, may be said to be romantic interpretations even though some artists and many to whom religion is a stern reality, would reject the description.
 It is not to be supposed that, like sheep and goats, we are to be divided into two classes, realists and romanticists. To suppose such a thing would be "romancing"—the least desirable way of seeing things other than they are! Most of us are realists and romanticists by turn. But it is true to say that the more consciously we reflect upon life, the more we tend to be either one or the other. It depends upon the way we habitually react to things and events about us. But human beings have a stubborn way of defying classifications and are full of contradictions. In this first address I propose to discuss what may be called the romantic interpretation of economic life. What we call the economic is only one aspect of life as a whole. Your true romantic is not given, like the realist, to over-emphasis of the value of classification. He tends rather to see "bread and butter" questions as secondary. You get this attitude stressed in the "Songs of Joy" of the poet-tramp, W. H. Davies:

Sing out, my Soul, thy songs of joy;
Such as a happy bird will sing
Beneath a Rainbow's lovely arch
In early spring.

Strive not for gold, for greedy fools
Measure themselves, by poor men never;
Their standard still being richer men
Makes them poor ever.

Train up thy mind to feel content,
What matters then how low thy store;
What we enjoy, and not possess,
Makes rich or poor.

 This is a romantic judgment of life. Davies is not stirred to indignation with things as they are, rather, he has found his own key of adjustment to the economic problem. But others desire ardently to have economic life, other than it is, with all its harshnesses, its iniquities, its frets, its sufferings for those who cannot cope with it; and so they denounce things as they are, having emotions acutely sensible to what frustrates fine living and an imaginative faculty capable of seeing vividly things as they might otherwise be. Without intense feeling there can be no romanticism, and no true savouring of the quality of living. Feeling, in this sense, is both a hunger and a satisfaction. It is hunger and a satisfaction. It is hunger for life at its best, and if it is not satisfied by what is preferred by the present, it will seek its satisfaction in the contemplation of some idealised past or future. Everyone who speaks fervently of the "good old days" is a romantic seeking satisfaction in an imagined past. All apocalyptists and millenialists are essentially romantics; for their imagination leaps and lives ahead of life as it is and dreams how it ideally will be. For some, the "good old days" were the days of their youth when, it is true, wages were small, but a pound went much farther than it does today; for others they were the good old medieval days when never a factory whistle was heard and each man was his own master. For some the apocalypse is just the other side of attainable reforms; for others it waits on a cataclysm or revolution for which the times must ripen; for others it is a remote ideal, perhaps never to be attained, yet ever to be persued.
 Not every romantic, unsatisfied with our social and economic life as it is, is a utopist; but few escape the creative urge to make utopias of the imagination. Not all the makers of utopias have been concerned primarily with a more satisfying interpretation and reconstruction of economic life alone; but few have been able to escape the necessity of concerning themselves about it. There never has been a "golden age," but there have probably always been creative, or at any rate imaginative, utopists who would remould "the sorry scheme of things entire nearer to the heart's desire." No doubt the Stone Age had its utopists who pictured for the hardy hunters of that time in which neither dinosaur, nor mastodon, nor any other beast of grossly unfair fierceness and strength, would make life insecure, nasty, brutish and short. Each of the great utopists who have left us the record of their thoughts and feelings have castigated the economic iniquities of their own time, have looked back envyingly or wistfully to the happier commonwealth, which might yet be. Yet the greatest of them have been concerned far less with the removal of iniquities in the distribution of material comforts than with the establishment of relations between men and man in which the human spirit can be at its best. Foremost among these men of vision we may venture to place Christ Himself. There was much of the same vision in the denunciations and teaching of the Hebrew prophets who preceded Him, and in the expectations of the early Christian apocalyptists and millenialists who came after Him.
The speculative age of Greece produced Hippodamos, Euhemeros and Plato, each of whom elaborated an ideal utopia. The intervening period between the early days of Christianity and the renascence was remarkably unfruitful in imaginative speculation, and even apocalyptical hopes lost their early strong hold over Christian faith and imagination. Then came the renascence with its crop of utopists —Moore, Bacon, Harrington and Campanella—and the period prior to the French Revolution with Rousseau, Morelly and Babeuf. The 19th century was perhaps the richest of all centuries with its romantic outburst of utopian, or at any rate imaginative speculation.
 Let us examine the ways in which two of the most lovable of our romanticists—John Ruskin (1819-1900) and William Morris (1834-1896)—interpreted the economic problems of their time. The times in which they lived and worked and wrote are sufficiently near to and like our own to permit us to expect that they have a message for ourselves, and yet sufficiently far back to enable us to see wherein they erred as well as spoke the truth; for every truth-seeker may err, just because of the limitations of capacity.
 Both Ruskin and Morris were men of remarkable genius which expressed itself in many directions. We think of them primarily as apostles of beauty, but they, are no less remembered as ardent evangelists of social and economic reform. Ruskin for 50 years and Morris for more than 40 years, worked strenuously to transform the world about them into some resemblance of the ideal pattern of their imaginations. They both finish life with a heavy sense of failure. It was not for them to realise that they had sown better than they knew, nor that they had planted leaven which would do its work slowly through generations to follow. We can realise this now, even though we can also realise that neither possessed all the required keys of understanding of the modern economic problem, for the keys of the romanticist are, alone, insufficient. Ruskin "[was of a Tory]  school"; Morris called himself "a practical socialist." But in truth the one was neither tory nor the other socialist as those two terms are ordinarily used in the political sense. Each of these men turned fiercely on the economic and other evils of their day because it seemed that (to use the words of Morris) "the struggles of mankind for many ages had produced nothing but sordid, aimless, ugly confusion"; and so they turned all their critical powers of imagination, art, and moral indignation upon the tendencies, ideas and institutions which, they felt, were perverting civilisation.
 Like Carlyle and many another romanticist since, they vehemently attacked not only the unlovely aspects of the commercial and industrial practices of the 19th century but also those typical "realists," the political economists, whose writings they mistook to be apologies for the immoralities and uglinesses of the economic system. But it is evident now that, had they better understood the economists, had they realised that the economic problem is not solely a moral problem, their own peculiar contributions to the thinking of their age would have been far more effective.





THE SCIENTIFIC APPROACH.

  In his second address, entitled "The Scientific Approach," Dr. Mauldon said that economists had to have facts as they had to try to be exact. This was made difficult at times because those in a position to supply information were not willing to divulge it and it was, therefore, difficult for the economist to arrive at conclusions.
Economics as a science was of two kinds, that which was concerned only with the discovery of what is and that which employed inductive methods. Economists who followed the former course tried to see tendencies at work when, to the untrained eye, there were no tendencies at work. They sought to discover whether different groups of people living under the same conditions tended to do the same things. Economics in this sense was a pure science.
 The science could be regarded in another way. It could be a science of standards in which the economists were seeking the best way in which people could be induced to act in a uniform manner provided the same conditions were set for them. In this case economics was an applied science.
Economists were concerned also with the creation of conditions in which the best tendencies will have a chance to operate. They taught us what to know in order to do. Economics was sometimes described as an art. It carried the practical application of knowledge into the field of doing. It had to concern itself with the best form of administration. Economics as an art formed in its precepts what ought to be done or what ought not to be done.
Economists were concerned all the time about the discovery of uniformity of behavior. That did not prevent them being idealists because they must be concerned the whole time with setting conditions which would allow their schemes to operate. Economists differed in their methods but all had one concern, the discovery of the basic necessities upon which economic life was built.
 There were two ways of arriving at general conclusions about facts. One economist, looking for an explanation of our seasons of depression and prosperity, knew sufficient about astronomy to know that there were alterations in the behavior of other bodies. He knew that the sun got freckles every 10 years. He got the idea that this freckling of the sun might have something to do with the ups and downs of life on earth. He saw that when spots appeared on the sun the earth was affected by disturbances. He argued that these disturbances reacted on the crops which, in turn, affected prices. Therefore he argued that the spots on the sun were responsible for depressions on earth. That was called the deductive method. Right through economic teaching a great deal of use was made of that method.
 The other method was known as the inductive method. It was the method of getting as many practical instances as possible and gathering them together and examining how far they had things in common. If in one country (say France) they had peasant proprietorship and, under the same conditions in other countries, they found that similar results were obtained, they drew certain conclusions.
 Economists today employed both methods. The work took the form of a science and produced results that were scientific. Adam Smith was called the father of practical economics. He was the first man to organise the thinking on economic matters into something like a science. He corrected many foolish mistakes made by men who did not discover proper scientific methods.
Wealth, to the ordinary person, conveyed an idea of abundance of things. What did this mean? In Adam Smith's time there was a body of economists in France who held that the only wealth was that which came from the soil year by year. They said only those people who were concerned in bringing the wealth of the soil were producers. Many believed that today. It was often said that the people of Australia owed everything to the man on the land. It was true that they owed much to the man on the land but they did not owe him everything. Wealth had to be defined as all those things or services which we think will give us satisfaction and which are exchangeable.
 Was Karl Marx a realist or a romanticist? He himself claimed that he was a realist but he was essentially a romanticist and, more a romanticist than a realist, though he ranged himself with the realist school. Marx was scientific to the extent that he used the inductive method. He examined thousands of cases of communities in the past and from those examinations came to certain conclusions. But he was a romanticist because, while he looked with an eye at the present, he was really looking forward to an ideal and all his investigations were colored by that idealism.

Frankston and Somerville Standard (Vic. : 1921 - 1939), Saturday 18 June 1932, page 3

ROMANTIC INTERPRETATION OF LIFE (part 1)

Mr. W. F. Wannan delivered an address entitled "Three Great Romantics of the Victorian Era— Browning, Morris and Stevenson." On Sunday afternoon at Frankston House, Mr. Ian Maxwell delivered an address entitled "The Romantic Revival" and in the evening the same speaker gave a lecture entitled "The Modern Revolt." At the two sessions held on Monday the lecturer was Dr. F. R. E Mauldon, who, under the general heading "Romantic and Realistic Interpretation of Economic Life," delivered two addresses entitled "The Romantic Approach" and "The Scientific Approach."

 "THREE GREAT ROMANTICS."
 Mr. Wannan dealt with the literature and romance of the 19th century. He spoke of the works of Robert Browning, William Morris and Robert Louis Stevenson.
 Before outlining and quoting from the works of these writers he gave reasons for the birth of romance. He said romance arose from the desire of people to escape from the mass, from the ordinary routine, or from their environment. In the individual there was more of the romanticist than the realist. He often wondered which was the more romantic sex. He thought men were. Most of the romantic novels had been written by men. Women writers of to-day were too realistic. Most romantic revivals were closely associated with religious revivals. There was a desire of the people to examine themselves, a desire for different personalities or revolt against existing conditions. Romance gave a new sense of values. Shelley said: "The poet lifts the veil of the familiar from the face of the world and makes that which is commonplace not commonplace." We talked of the "golden age" of the past, but if we could go back to those times we would be disappointed. The Victorian age was drab, the buildings and furniture were ugly and the industrial conditions sordid. No wonder such men as Stevenson, Browning and Morris attacked its repression. Stevenson was born in the middle of the century. His whole life, as was his death, was romantic. As well as being a romanticist he was a great moralist. His moral allegory, "Dr. Jekyl and Mr. Hyde" was a probing of our own natures.
 Mr. Wannan concluded his lecture with a talk of the romantic side of the life of William Morris and the reading of extracts from the works of Browning. He said he thought the greatest romanticist of all was Jesus Christ Who said: "The Kingdom of God is within you." Could we live without faith? The way of faith was the only way for the world. It was necessary for our progress to have ideals.

 THE ROMANTIC REVIVAL.

 In his address entitled "The Romantic Revival," Mr. Ian Maxwell said:
 "It is perhaps a pity that one of the most complex movements in the history of English literature, should have been labelled "The Romantic Revival." In many ways it was far from romantic, and those who played a part in it expressed many fundamentally different views. It is therefore more profitable to attempt a description of the thing than a definition of the word. Eighteenth-century thought is something of a closed system. Radicals and infidels existed but society did not feel itself seriously threatened. The literature of the time reflects many of the limitations of society and was itself based upon a set of generally accepted critical principles. The so-called romantic movement was in part the result of reaction but it involved, enormous constructive developments of thought and feeling which went far beyond any mere revolt against restrictions of the past. One symptom of the changing past was an increased interest in concrete things for their own sakes. Dr. Woodward, who collected fossils and founded the first professorship of geology at Cambridge, was ridiculed by the wits of Queen Anne's time; and Horace Walpole said of Sir Hans Sloane's collection of rarities which were bought for the nation and became the nucleus of the British Museum, that they might be worth £80,000 to anyone who loved hippopotamuses, sharks with one ear, and spiders as big as geese. Yet the Elizabethans had loved such rarities as one may learn from the writings of their voyagers as well as from their literature, and a similar curiosity and love of detail characterised much early 19th century poetry.
 "Evoe" in "London Punch" has amusingly parodied the neat and vague abstractions of 18th century verse as compared with the loving particularly of later poets.
 "The taste for collecting which gradually manifested itself toward the close of the 18th century is also significant in that it is a symptom of a growing interest in history, and a growing sense of the romance of past times. The historic past, the feeling that only through a knowledge of their growth can one truly understand human institutions, appears gradually during, the later 18th century and finds vivid, though not complete expression, in the works of Burke and Sir Walter Scott. And it brought with it a sense of the grandeur of tradition and the mystery of time itself; (for instance) Wordsworth's sonnet 'On the Extinction of the Venetian Republic.' It involved, that is to say, the conquest of a new domain of imagination. But one may go further. Both history and literature reveal a quickening of the sympathies and emotions and an increasing tendency to interpret life through these rather than through mere common-sense. This tendency, though it sometimes led to ridiculous sentimentality, was far reaching in its effects.
 "The romantic poets had not merely a delight in beauty, but a deepened sense of the awe and mystery of the universe. This sense is sometimes expressed in that romantic melancholy which colours so much of the work of Shelley and Keats and which, among lesser poets, often ran to mere affectation; but it is expressed also in the overwhelming splendour and profound reverence of the great poetic masterpieces of the time.
"Sense of wonder it may be said, is the very stuff of all imaginative work but in the early 19th century it led to something very characteristic of the period. It led to that search after transcendental truth. Wordsworth saw in the bleak ravines of the Simplon Pass 'the types and symbols of eternity.' Even Keats was stung to the philosophic affirmation 'beauty is truth, truth beauty.' Byron, the cynic, was sometimes troubled by problems he could not solve.
 "When man ceases to seek the unattainable he will have ceased to be a man and will have become an adding machine."

"THE MODERN REVOLT."

 In the evening Mr. Maxwell delivered an address entitled "The Modern Revolt". . . He said:—
 It is now rather old-fashioned to decry the Victorian age, and we are beginning to rate more highly the achievements of Victorian genius. But, for all its virtues, it had very serious limitations. Social and moral codes tended to ossify, and the same may be said of spiritual and imaginative conceptions. Tennyson's thought may or may not be true, but it certainly lacks the strong pulse of individual experience; Browning's robust optimism makes philosophical pretensions which appear to us unjustified; Carlyle's vast generalisations are often half-empty and untested by close reasoning. It all has an air of magniloquent exaggeration which grates on the modern ear, and the Victorian insistence upon moral or spiritual dogmas is alien to the modern spirit of untramelled enquiry. Some of the most distinctive impulses of modern thought and literature owe their existence, in part at least, to a reaction against the Victorian system both of life and of ideas.
 Perhaps the fullest and clearest expression of that reaction is to be found in the work of Samuel Butler— a prophet unrecognised in his own day who leapt into fame shortly before the war, and inspired much of Bernard Shaw's thought. Butler was a man of many talents. A classic by training, he was also a man of science, novelist, philosopher and art critic. He composed music and was a painter of some ability. He is the author of works on biology which, though opposed to the theories current in his day, express ideas which are very seriously considered in our own time. His most famous book is his satirical Utopian Study "Erehon" ; but his masterpiece is "The Way of All Flesh." It is said that each man has it in him to write one good novel, and this book perfectly illustrates the theory. It is the work of a dozen years or more, and contains the garnered experience and matured reflection of a highly original thinker. It does not, of course, present a reasoned formal philosophy, but it expresses an illuminating attitude to life.
 It is based largely on Butler's own life, and records his emancipation from the outlook of the Victorian parsonage in which he was brought up. It admirably satirises the pontificial educational system which, imposed its ideas upon young minds without a fair presentation of difficulties and without any attempt to awaken the power of honest and independent thought; and, it exposes with deadly insight the cramping effect of a parental discipline which was applied with no real understanding of the child's requirements. "All was done in love, anxiety, timidity, stupidity, and impatience." The selfishness of the father and the hot-house emotionalism of the mother are drawn with relentless precision; and their legacy is uncertainty, a sense of inferiority, complete ignorance of the real world, and a burden of ideas imposed from without, from which the youth must free himself as best he can. The story of Ernest Pontifex is the story of Butler's own emancipation.
 The philosophy which emerges from this and Butler's other books is partly negative. He attacked science, the church, the educational system, accepted morality, and stereotyped ideas in general. His great positive doctrine is that of intellectual freedom. "I had to steal my birthright," he says. "I stole it and was bitterly punished. But I saved my soul alive." He insists that each man must keep his mind alive and in close contact with facts, and must hammer out his own views for himself. He is the opponent of all rigid systems. "Life is like music; it must be composed by ear, feeling, and instinct, not by rule." His attitude is most clearly realised in his views upon morality. Men have always sought to push their ideals to their logical conclusion, and have been forced to make a tacit compromise for the benefit of the weaker brethren; and they have always sought to elevate their moral standards into laws laid down by some eternal and omnipotent authority. Butler holds what is probably the commonest view to-day, that moral laws are worked out in practice and are justified by their practical efficiency. "The laws of God are the laws of our own well-being." If we agree that moral principles are not inexplicable taboos but that they represent simply the highest expediency, it follows that they are not to be followed blindly; one may often have to give place to another. "Truth generally is kindness; but when the two diverge or collide kindness should override truth." Moreover, it is well for a man not to be too good. "When the righteous man turneth away from his righteousness that he hath committed and doeth that which is neither quite lawful not quite right, he will generally be found to have gained in amiability what he has lost in holiness."
 One other profound saying deserves quotation: "I do not mind lying, but I hate inaccuracy." It implies a shifting of emphasis from "virtues" to "values" which is characteristic of much modern thought. We are to think more of the integrity of knowledge than of our wretched individual merits. But perhaps the most significant phase of Butler's thought is his insistence upon the fact that ultimate explanations are beyond us, and that the deepest purposes of life are, and should remain, unconscious. The transcendental affirmations of the Romantics must give place to generalisations depending, not on the voice of revelation or the lonely insight of inspired men, but on the practical experience of generations of mankind.
 Butler represents fully, subtly, and with a delightful flavour of ironic humor, one important current in modern literature; and his insistence upon the right and duty of free enquiry and the careful practical testing of beliefs has, we may hope, had a permanent effect. But the times change swiftly. Butler's doctrine of the mean has been left behind by many of his contemporaries and successors, and signs are not wanting that the literature of our day is again attempting to answer those insoluble questions which challenge eternally the intellect and imagination of man.

Frankston and Somerville Standard (Vic. : 1921 - 1939), Saturday 11 June 1932, page 3

Saturday, 26 May 2018

FANTASY IN STORY AND POEM

By P.L.J.W.

IT is extraordinarily difficult to write interesting stories that are not mainly about human beings or animals. There have been very few novelists capable of transforming a scientific idea into a romantic creation. Even the most successful practitioner of scientific fiction can only hope for ephemeral popularity, for science is progressing so rapidly that the fantastically remote speculation of yesterday becomes the commonplace actuality of to-day.




IT HAS BEEN MORE THAN

once observed that there is a part of the human mind which hungers and thirst after marvels, and in all ages imaginative intellects have fed that appetite through fantastic stories and poems, through myths and religions. Our minds are so compartmental that credibility is not important; the minimum requirement is only that the story shall command belief within its own setting for the duration of its telling. The modern craze for superman fantasy proves how small a part credibility need play in the popularity of romantic marvels.

A few authors aimed at a high degree of scientific plausibility or at least of scientific consistency. In considering the ancestry of the scientific romance it is necessary to seek much farther back than Jules Verne, where most critics begin. The Greek Lucian and the Roman Apuleis, within their very limited experience, wrote consistent fantasies. Rabelais and Swift worked out their absorbing romances with scientific coherency.

Robert Paltock published in 1751 the truly remarkable "Life and Adventures of Peter Wilkins," telling of the country of Graundevolet, which is inhabited by winged beings. Mary Shelley's "Frankenstein" and "the Last Man" are remarkably suggestive of H. G. Wells, exhibiting the same kind of power of making the impossible seem true by basing it upon the logic of science. Nor is Mark Twain's "Yankee in the Court of King Arthur" altogether outside the line of succession.
*

THE immediate precursor of H. G. Wells, whose teeming brain transfigured the scientific novel, was Jules Verne. The immense vogue of Verne in the eighties and nineties of last century is now only a memory; the wonders of actual accomplishment have eclipsed the printed page. It is almost impossible to-day to obtain a story by Jules Verne in either bookshop or lending library, although at the end of last century he enjoyed a world-wide reputation.

Having regard to the state of scientific knowledge of his time, Verne must be credited with a great imaginative power, and his geographical and mechanical pertinacity gave an ingenious verisimilitude to his voyages and inventions. But the characters in all his tales are without a drop of human blood; his novels are the experiences of convenient automata. His rivals understood this defect, and Conan Doyle, Rider Haggard and H. G. Wells saw to it that scientific adventurers were also human beings. The present eclipse of Jules Verne, however, tends to make us forget that this man of fantastic vision forecast electric lighting, submarines, powered airships and television.

In 1805 H. G. Wells published "The Time Machine." It was a short tale of sixteen chapters, written in a cunningly quiet style, and all the more striking by its avoidance of "sensationalism." The book was a landmark and a masterpiece. Arising from the problem, "Can an instantaneous cube be said to exist?" Wells first propounded the idea that time was the "fourth dimension," and then proceeded to voyage into the future along the time track. So apposite is the story that "The Time Machine" is often referred to in popular introductions as the theory of relativity. Its publication heralded the true genius of scientific romance, who could expand fantastic mathematical and mechanical ideas into novels of the utmost artistry.

Wells tells us in his "Experiment in Autobiography" that he thoroughly enjoyed writing "The Time Machine," and its success led him to exploit this vein most profitably for several years. His next book, "the Wonderful Visit," was stimulated by a chance remark of Ruskin that if an angel appeared on earth it would certainly be slaughtered by somebody. In Wells' fantasy the angel, brought down by the gun of a country parson, lives among men in utter amazement at our manners and morals. Next year appeared "The Island of Dr. Moreau," describing how a super-vivisectionist accelerates the process of evolution to make a man out of a beast in a few days. Pigs, bulls and dogs undergo this transformation, and only by a constant repetition of the law (reminiscent of Kipling) can the all-too-human creatures be kept under control.

Wells was now writing short stories as well as novels, and all critics seem to agree that the short story was the form of literary art in which Wells excelled. He published several collections within a few years, the first being "the Stolen Bacillus." Scientific fantasies came just as quickly; "The Invisible Man" is a distressingly logical tale of corporal invisibility in a bruising and hurtful world; "The War of the Worlds" tells of an invasion by Martians; "The First Men on the Moon" is less interesting; "The War in the Air" now seems baby-play beside its terrible actuality.

"The Food of the Gods," showing that if men can be made gigantic by the aid of scientifically adjusted food, so will the rats and wasps that feed on the remnants, was the last of Wells' spontaneous flights of scientific fancy. The truth is that he always wrote with critical and didactic undertones, unlike Verne, who was never interested in human idealism. As Maurois puts it: "Jules Verne sought to prove nothing, whereas in Wells the marvellous is always Utopian and satiric in essence, and there is always a moral intention."

Wells was particularly disappointed that his readers could not discern in "The Food of the Gods" the symbolic rejection by the world of man made perfect. "It ended," he wrote, "in the heroic struggle of the rare new big-scale way of living against the teeming small-scale life of the earth. Nobody saw the significance of it." So he threw off his remaining speculations and prognostications in the didactic "Anticipations," which proved so remarkably far-sighted that he has been called "England's first Prophet Laureate." Then he turned to his great novels of commonplace life, and to much more obvious Utopian propaganda. But he never ceased to believe (except possibly at the very end) that man would be saved through science because He was essentially knowledge-loving and perfectible. This doubtful optimism, which Norman Nicholson in "Man and Literature" compares with the heresy of Pelagianism, is implicit in many of his scientific romances.
*

THERE have been other exponents of the scientific fantasy in succession to H. G. Wells. One calls to mind that Fowler Wright, J. D. Beresford, Conan Doyle and even Kipling occasionally dabbled in the dangerous but fascinating art. Two more recent books are outstanding. They are, of course, Aldous Huxley's "Brave New World" and Olaf Stapledon's "Last and First Men." Huxley's work is more encyclopaedic in its range than anything attempted by Wells and his predecessors. It poses for humanity, as Wells never did, the terrible problem of a scientifically conditioned universe, in which the man of human sympathies and imaginative mind would become an outcast and an object of unutterable despair.

Olaf Stapledon has a vision which is even more ingenious and daring than that of Huxley. He tells us the history of galaxies and covers aeons of time which made the A.D. 802,701 of "The Time Machine" seem almost to-morrow. "Last and First Men" was undoubtedly a brilliant tour de force, but its super-abundance of material is almost certain to bring on a degree of mental indigestion. Both Huxley and Stapledon surpass Wells in profundity, but they cannot approach his power to tell a story. In the words of H. E. Bates: "H. G. Wells will always remain a great story-teller perhaps a great kidder would be better, a man who succeeded in telling more tall stories than any other writer, and yet, by a genius for binding the commonplace to the most astronomical exploration of fancy succeeded in getting them believed."

Advocate (Burnie, Tas. : 1890 - 1954), Saturday 26 April 1947, page 4

Sunday, 11 March 2018

CÆSAR'S COLUMN.

A Review by the Editor.

This little book is the last addition to the Political Romance Library, and is well worthy of perusal by all students of social economics. Following in the same line as Edward Bellamy, its author takes a leap into tho end of the next century, and presents us with a vividly-painted picture of the condition of the world at that time. The evident object of the work is to present a direct contrast to the state of perfect contentment depicted in Looking Backwards Bellamy assumes that the present tendency to true social conditions will continue until it leads to the creation of a universal brotherhood, fraught with the elements of the highest human ideal of happiness. Boisgilbert bases his line of thought on a rejection of these premises, and reveals the condition of humanity when the present social conditions have reached a climax. The one is the creator of a fanciful Utopia of contentment, the other of a Hell out-helling all the Scriptural and poetical descriptions of the final residence of the damned.

To which of these forecasts can we give credence? A close study of the premises assumed by both authors can only lead to any satisfactory reply to this query,— is the tendency towards reform powerful enough to counteract the baneful influence of the worship of Mammon, and the decline of our standard of morality ? If it is, then Bellamy is a prophet breathing good-will to all mankind. But if, on the other hand, the almighty dollar is as potent as the author of Cæsar's Column assumes, then the legitimate issue of our present social life must ultimately be the return to barbarism which he has so powerfully described. As far as we can judge, from a close study of the past ten years of human history, the tendency of the age is strongly in the direction of development towards perfect social conditions. Since Thomas Carlyle first began his crusade against the corruption, hypocrisy, and injustice which controlled our social life, there has been a great awakening amongst men in every condition. Rich and poor, great and small, learned and ignorant, have all become conscious of the great problem, and this awakening, fostered as it is by the greatest intellects of modern time, must lead to that complete change in society to which dire necessity directs us.

Cæsar's Column opens with the usual references to the future triumphs of human ingenuity. The arts and sciences, mechanical inventions, and utilization of natural forces, have reached that stage of perfection which only at present exists in the imagination of the dreamer. Everything that we can now conceive of for the perfection of making the best of life is achieved, and there is no new mundane field into which the human intellect can penetrate. The romance, which occupies the most prominent place in the book, is well written, and could satisfy the craving of the fashionable novel-reader for sensationalism. Interwoven with it, however, are some terrible truths, that must make the most trivial reader pause and think.

The first great contention of the writer is, that present social conditions if continued must lead to the complete destruction of all moral perceptions. The only known God will be mammon ; the only worship, sensual gratification ; and the only tie of human sympathy, the desire to co-operate against any intrusion on vested interests. Women in every stage of life will traffic their virtue to the highest bidders. Men will sell every virtue for the increase of their possessions; corruption will control justice. All that is now covertly indulged in, and regarded by our present accommodating codes of morality, as vice, will be dressed in the robes of virtue and paraded before the gaze of a people hopelessly lost. Withal, there will be preserved the outward form of Government, and the administration of justice. A fair exterior will cover a mass of putrid corruption to which no healing remedy can be applied. The story is so arranged as to expose all this, while still sustaining its own direct interest. In one chapter the hero is introduced to a meeting of a secret cabinet in New York, which controls the destinies of the American nation. Its members hold no official positions, but simply by the mighty influence of their weapon, "Bribery," they rule the country in a way that would make the greatest despot of this age regret the inopportuneness of his birth.

The army, the navy, the nominal legislature, the courts of justice, and the press are only institutions working the august will of the cabinet of moneyed princes. There is no conception of honor, no trace of human nobility, no flash of human love, but a world controlled by greed, selfishness, craft, and sensuality.

In another chapter we are introduced to a place of "worship," and are entertained by a parson of the period. The sermon is a repetition of what has been openly seen in every street, "Live for gratification, and pay unceasing homage to the reigning God." In other passages, various phases of what we would, in this day, call "fashionable society," are pourtrayed with a vividness that fascinates the reader. The "canaille," the common people, are hated and despised, and every precaution is taken to prevent the inevitable eruptions of the gathering volcano upon which society is erected.

With equal power the author depicts the condition of the masses of the people. Education is still nominally within the reach of all. The semblance of popular representation is still preserved, but both are only institutions, which aggravate the misery of those for whom they exist. Life is one round of toil and suffering from the cradle to the grave. There is no gaiety, no sign of happiness, no sparkle of hope, no evidence of intelligence. Every man, every child, and every woman not in travail, is merely a wheel in the great machinery of production, and from day to day they perform their little part until physical incapacity condemns them to rejection and starvation. There does not exist in them even a hope of better things. The only semblance of humanity they possess is hatred against those whom they preserve in the enjoyment of luxury. There are no strikes, no social agitations, no attempts to evolve into a better state of society. The situation is accepted as inevitable, and the suffering masses dumbly wait for the coming of the pending conflagration which promises them release or death.

This constant association with injustice and suffering destroys all semblance of humanity, and the same depravity, corruption, and brutishness, which is seen in the higher circles of life, is again revealed, intensified by the absence of all of the screens that wealth can create.

Society is thus pictured as we see it at the present day, only its evils are carried to their furthest limit. Two great divisions exist. The one, comprising a minority, has absolute control over all means for the production of wealth. The other, the majority, exists only to preserve the idlers in a state of affluence, and knows nothing of the faintest happiness in life. We have not reached this extremity so powerfully forecast in this book, but undoubtedly the continuation of the existing order of things must bring us to it ultimately. One of the finest passages in the book is that which describes the mass meeting of workmen in the underground cellar. A great concourse of hopeless, determined men are assembled, and addresses, suggesting various remedies, are delivered. Forbearance, appeals for mercy, evolution into higher things, are all suggested, but with out any heartfelt response. A Christian minister teaches the doctrine of patience and necessity, with which we, in these days, are tolerably familiar, and has a very uncomplimentary reception. Only one sentiment finds universal favour, and that is summarised in the word, "destruction."

There is no remedy, no compromise, and the only salvation lies in a revolution, and a triumph of the spirit of vengeance. A vast secret organisation, including the whole of the world's sufferers, is in existence, stealthily it is extending its power, Committees of Management are in the very camp of the enemy, and day by day the net of destruction is being woven around the only half-awakened victims of the coming struggle. The end comes, by one great act of bribery on the part of the supreme committee of the avengers. The greatest means of resistance in possession of the despots of America is enlisted in the rebellion, and the reign of terror begins. Destruction is the watchword, civilisation is destroyed, and humanity drifts back into barbarism. A monument is raised by Cæsar Lomelini, the leader of the revolution, built of the bodies of a quarter of a million of the people's oppressors cemented together. On it is the inscription, "Erected by the Brotherhood of Destruction, in commemoration of the death and burial of modern civilisation." All the good people in the story, of course, are comfortably provided for. They escape in an air ship, and, finally, settling in a mountainous region, located in Central Africa, live long and die happy.

The book, of course, flavours of exaggeration, but only sufficiently to emphasise the great work it contains. In America there is undoubtedly a tendency towards a moneyed autocracy, which is even more dangerous than the influence of aristocracy as seen in Europe. With the latter a semblance of humanity is preserved, while the former destroys the only hope of a peaceful solution of social difficulties. For when bribery controls a country, those who are most concerned in a change in social conditions become traitors to their own interests. The glamour of the gold destroys the manhood of all to whom it is offered, and thus, amongst the people themselves, the confidence necessary to united action is destroyed. In Europe, however, this modern enemy to progress is not yet so potent, and there is, with its absence, as much, if not a greater, chance of reform than is seen in America with its boasted democracy.

Cæser's Column will accomplish a good work by directing attention to the dark side of the future's possibilities, and we recommend all our readers to obtain a copy of the work.

Bowral Free Press and Berrima District Intelligencer (NSW), 2 December 1891, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article118287870

Wednesday, 4 February 2015

CATHOLIC INFLUENCE IN MODERN LITERATURE: A Fascinating Essay

Read at the Maynooth Union

A brilliant and fascinating paper, and a charming piece of literary criticism, was read at the Maynooth Union, by the Rev. P. Mac Sweeney, M.A. It is entitled 'Some Neo-Catholic Movements in Literature.' We give it in full:

The hero Durtal in Huysman's "En Route" and 'La Cathedrale' having made a retreat in La Trappe, finds himself "desole;" feels himself distracted by two opposite streams of tendency. "I am," he says, "still, too much a man of letters to be a monk, and yet I am too much a monk to rest contented amongst men of letters." This represents a state of mind which those will pass through who take their religion seriously. and who at the same time have developed in them the instinct for art. The resolution of such a state of mind becomes difficult or easy according to the extent to which art has cut itself loose from religion, or, as I should prefer to put it, from Catholic truth. Now, in the paper which I am holding, I am discussing the relation of the Catholic Church to pure literature and to nothing else; and further I am discussing certain features of literature which seem to me to bear more or less on the problem which presented itself to the hero in "En Route" and in "La Cathedrale." It is not a modern problem, but it is a problem which pressed of late years for a new solution, a solution which was found in the establishment of a new school of literature, and which brought over to the Catholic Church some of the most distinguished writers in France.
 The literature of primitive Christianity was confronted with a pagan literature of supreme excellence. The one reached excellence by the intensity, of the spiritual conviction which it embodied, the other by its profound feeling for the beauty of nature and of humanity. The antagonism between them lay not in anything that was literary, but in the fact that one presented a solution of the mystery that enshrouds the world, compared with which that which the other presented, pales into insignificance. For I do not hold that the good that was in Greek literature and the good that was in Christian literature were opposed; the one led to the other as the mountain streams leads to the sea.

 Form.

Cardinal Newman has stated that "there is no such thing as a Christian literature," holding that "The habitat of the natural gifts is the natural man." He uses the phrase Christian literature in its widest sense, in the sense in which we speak of European literature say, or Oriental literature. Now, a work becomes pure literature through the excellence of its form; matter, however excellent in itself, will not become literature unless it has impressed upon it a form which is artistic; the matter, however, may be as varied as you wish; it may be the epic life of the Homeric heroes or of the heroes of our own Cuchulninn Sagas; it may be the soul-history of a Saint Augustine, or the analysis of human passion in Shakespeare's plays; or the poetic theology of Dante or the Christian nature worship of Chateaubriand, or the humanism of Matthew Arnold; but what need is there to extend the references, it may be anything you will, provided that the thing is beautiful in some way or other, and is expressed under a beautiful form.
 There is, therefore, a truth in Newman's phrase, though it might easily be misconceived. Literary form is sensuous; the faculty for literary form belongs, no doubt, to the natural man, and moreover what is sensuous can be but the veil or the symbol of the spiritual. The tendency of literature, therefore, will be to express, to use Newman's phrase, "the natural man;" but is it to stop here, or is there no formula which will enable the Christian religion to claim the good and beautiful in all literatures as its own? There was a time when the "natural man" was no longer in the ascendant in art and literature, and when both of them reflected the unity of the Christian life.   Then the supernatural reigned supreme and the Gothic Art of the Middle Ages proclaimed at once its prolific variety and essential unity.
 This unity of the Christian life found its ultimate expression in the poetry of Dante in Italy, of Chaucer in England, and in the anonymous and earlier French epic the "Chanson de Roland." It had not spent its force when Shakespeare was born, and it enabled the famous Elizabethan to catch the generous and unified temper of the great Catholic writers before a narrowing humanism, missing the true tendency of classical literature, was to lead not alone English literature, but European literature on to a frozen imitation of the past, or revolt against the tyranny of this 18th century on to the paths of morbid introspection.

 A Morbid Introspection.

 The classicism coincided in England and in France with the outbreak of the French Revolution. This latter let loose the forces of radicalism in civil society, and man re fused to acknowledge precedent as a guide to the future; the French nation went stumbling on in its attempt to find a position of stability for its social organisation. In literature, the break with the past hastened the development of the many-sided Romantic movement which, whilst it fostered, when divorced from the optimism inherent in the Catholic faith, a morbid introspection finding its most explicit expression in Goethe's "Werther" and Byron's "Childe Harold," still by insisting on the human side of antiquity helped to restore an interest in the Middle Ages, in the Fathers, and ultimately in the first ages of Christianity. In France this latter tendency is seen in the poetic prose of Chateaubriand; in England it found expression in the mediaevalism of Walter Scott, in the ecclesiastical sonnets of Wordsworth; and it had no small part in fostering the Tractarian movement.

Dr. Barry on the Tractarian Movement.

 Writing of the origin of that movement amongst the Fellows of Oriel, Dr. Barry has the following pregnant passage in his life of Newman: "They (the Fellows of Oriel) were in fact obeying a mysterious power, and went on under its influence; but how little could any one of them, not excluding Newman, have given an account of the wide spread Romantic crusade, which all over Europe was in motion, guided by no supreme commander, a reaction or a last attempt of historical Christianity to defend itself against unbelief. Compeers Newman had beyond a doubt; not, however, 'the Roman moralists' whom he never had looked into, but Chateaubriand, de Maistre, Stolberg, Tieck, Arnim, Brentano, Friedrich Schlegel, and Novalis—to mention only these— whose works throw a broad light on the Apologia. Nay, we must go further back. Goethe's early years mark the time, and Strasburg Cathedral is the high place, from which the Romantic movement set out. We may connect Goethe with Walter Scott; Johnson and Burke with Coleridge, who again is a disciple of Schelling; and Schelling, in the days of Newman's greatest power at Oxford, was himself the oracle of Munich. Nor can we overlook the learned and devout Southey, writer of epics, or Wordsworth, most spiritual-minded among English poets, both of whom contributed to the great restoration, and were heralds of it."
 A new era was therefore at hand in the opening years of the last century, and it was evident that this century was to see new discoveries in the fields of literature. Romanticism contained within its folds two distinct types; there were those who accepted the Christian faith, and those who rejected it; on the one hand, men of the type of Chateaubriand; on the other, men like Shelley, like Arnold, like even Wordsworth, like Hugo. Not but that great differences separate these latter from one another, but still in most of them there is evident that sense of a lost ideal of beauty, that conviction of the inadequacy of dreams evolved out of mere phenomena to staunch the wounds in the aching heart of humanity.

 The Absence of Catholic Faith: Its Effect.

 And I am convinced that this sense of pain which obsessed European literature came from the severance with the comforting truth of Christianity; read Shelley's "Julian and Maddalo," read the poems of Matthew Arnold and see the want of generous expansion towards a definite religious ideal which came from the absence of Catholic faith; note that undertone of sadness in the work of the Romantics which Arnold has so beautifully described in his stanzas in memory of the author of "Obermann":—
  " Yet through the hum of torrent lone
 And brooding mountain bee,
 There sobs I know not what ground-tone
 Of human agony."
 How far we are from the sun-lit joyousness of the Catholic poet who sings of "Aprille, with his schowres swoote," and of the merry pilgrims ready to wend their way to St. Thomas's shrine at Canterbury. Nor did the cry to arms of Chateaubriand find many followers at the time; the material trend of the day, the influence of the Encyclopaedists, of Voltaire, and of Rousseau had told upon the literary temper of France; in England Christianity was at its lowest ebb, and made no overt claims on the hearts and minds of the rising generation of poets and writers, whilst the Catholic Church seemed to be withdrawing herself more and more within the line of purely spiritual defence, leaving art, leaving poetry, as Thompson has expressed it, "to follow the feet of her pagan seducer."
 In yielding, however, to the attraction of natural beauty, the Romantics were playing with fire; for it must be remembered that the blasphemies of Shelley, like the sneers of Burns, were directed against the forms of Christianity with which they were acquainted, or were evoked by the preconceived and prejudiced ideas which they had formed of it. The genuine Romantic temper, unbiassed by pantheism or atheism or any other creed, was favourable to the development of Christian sentiment. In France literature had, however, to pass beneath the portals of a debasing realism before it returned, as it has returned within the last 30 years in the per sons of Coppee, Brunetiere, Verlaine, Paul Borget, Huysmans, and Rettee, clothed in the sack-cloth and ashes of a sorrowing regret expressed in lyrical verse and prose.

 A Slow Return to Catholic Ideals.

   In England, where no such doctrinaire opposition as we find in France took place, there has not been wanting a slow return to Catholic ideals amongst an increasing section of writers. The movement, which from a literary point of view started with Newman, has produced in the latter a supreme name in the prose literature of the century, whilst in Francis Thompson we have one who, reviving the splendours of the Miltonic lyrical imagination and vocabulary, has created a world of Catholic emotion all his own.
 If I seem to lay stress upon the French aspect of my subject, it is for this reason, that conversions to Catholicism form of late a remarkable feature in French literary circles, and that French literature, more than English literature, more indeed than any other literature I know of, lends itself to divisions into schools and movements. Every one knows how misleading a term "the Lake School" is, designating as it does such divergent types as Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Southey, not to mention Shelley, and ignoring as it does the individualism so characteristic of each. The Frenchman, on the other hand, is beyond all things doctrinaire; he must not only do a thing, but let us know how he did it; he will reveal his method, explain it, and take artistic pleasure in seeing how his performance answers to what he had set himself to do. The spontaneity of the Romantic temper is a different thing with him from what it is with the highly individualised Englishman. He is gregarious, he is explanatory and this generates a love of exposition, which in turn gives the French literature those qualities of " nettete" and "clarte" which make it a thing of joy to those who love what is clear, to those who love what is logical.

 The Ascent to Catholic Truth.

 Putting aside the large horizons of Chateaubriand, with their overhanging skies from which the cross had not disappeared, it may be said that the nature-worship of the early Romantics was pantheistic. But there is pantheism and pantheism. Francis Thompson, whom I at least do not tire of quoting, has well said; "Pantheism is a half-way house, and marks ascent or descent, according to the direction from which it is approached. Now, Shelley came to it from absolute atheism; therefore in his case it meant rise." And the descent has led to naturalism, and the ascent— well, it has led to symbolism, a milestone on the way, and in the case of an increasing band of earnest wayfarers it has ended at the summit— it has ended at its home, which is Catholic truth.
 "The habitat of the natural gifts," says Newman, "is the natural man;" and, left to himself, the natural man will surely trend towards the worship of a beauty which is material, will end in expiring the last breath of an idealism which he has inherited from supernatural belief. And so it was; the large idealism of Hugo, of De Musset, of De Vigny, gave place to a literature which contracted into sensuousness through its increasing love of form; or, as in the case of Zola, developed a method to suit its own narrowed range of vision— the method of naturalism or of photographic realism,

 The Scientific School.

 Now, this change which set in in the literature of the middle of the last century, and which has continued for so long, was powerfully helped, by what we all know as "the scientific spirit of the age." We can recall the time when sapient wiseacres were about shaking their heads and telling those they met that the heart of the mystery had been plucked out of it, that the riddle of the universe had been solved, and that the days of transcendental charlatanism were over. The real scientist was often amazed to find that his theories had been changed into certainties by such as these; but none the less the thing went on, and literature became tainted by the milieu in which it was plunged. It became "scientific." It proclaimed the necessity of art being detached, of art being objective, of art for art's sake in fine. It maintained its right to analyse everything and to register the results with the sangfroid of an analytic chemist. It held that idealism, morality, religion were distorting lenses which prevented its seeing life as it is. It avoided the places where these were obtrusively in evidence, and when it could not avoid them it passed them with a sneer, or tried to foul them with its own evil breath; it sought the charnel house, and it ended by mistaking the putrifying corpse of its own imagination for the beautiful body of life itself.

 A Condemned Theory.

 And here let us explain ourselves, lest we be misunderstood. Are we condemning an observation of life which would include the weakness as well as the strength of men? Not at all; if we did, then we should condemn Shakespeare, then we should condemn Dante, then we should condemn Homer. What we do condemn is what the practice of these immortal poets condemns, the theory that a writer is to remain indifferent from a moral point of view to the content of his work. Are we condemning the necessity for artistic excellence if a work is to reach the first rank in literature or in art? Not at all; if we did then we should be condemning the art of the Catholic Dante, the art of the Sistine itself. What we do condemn is the theory that art is the whole thing, and that when that is secured you may go and do what you will. Let me read for you this extract from a lecture delivered in the University of Oxford by Dr. Bradley, its Professor of Poetry. I may add it is gratifying to find such an uncompromising utterance issuing from what is in reality the hearth and home of English culture. "In an age already inclined," he says, "to shrink from those higher realms where poetry touches religion and philosophy, the formalist heresy encourages men to taste poetry as they would a fine wine, which has indeed an aesthetic value, but a small one. And then the natural man, finding an empty form hurls into it the matter of cheap pathos, rancid sentiment, vulgar humour, bare lust, ravenous vanity— everything which, in Schiller's phrase, the form should extirpate, but which no mere form can extirpate."

 Newman's Timely Warning.

 Surely the spirit of Newman still clings to Oxford! With the intuition of genius Newman had foreseen the danger ahead, and had forestalled it by timely words of warning. In his day the advocates of the elimination of Christian ideals from literature had not exactly reached the point of view which we sum up as art for art's sake; less drastic suggestions were offered, but they contained the germ of the future doctrine. He foresaw this, and writing of those who, like Matthew Arnold, would substitute culture for faith, he says:— "They made their own minds their sanctuary, their own ideas their oracle, and conscience in morals was but parallel to genius in art and wisdom in philosophy." But a mere apposite and more telling objection to the theory of art for art's sake is furnished, as Dr. Barry has pointed out, by Newman's dictum that "Science is universal, literature is personal." "There are those," says Newman, "who regard composition as a trick and a trade; can they really think that Homer, or Pindar, or Shakespeare, or Dryden, or Walter Scott were accustomed to aim at diction for its own sake, instead of being inspired with their subject, and pouring forth beautiful words because they had beautiful thoughts ? "
 Is this not a clear rejoinder to the so-called scientific school of literature that would eliminate personality out of composition and so reduce literature to the function of a photoghrapic camera. Let me finally quote the words of one who was himself at first a "realist," words which to me seem classical. In his preface to " Le fils naturel," speaking of play-writing. Alexandre Dumas, fils, says:— "The theatre is not an end in itself, it is but a means. What the moral man is has been determined, the 'social' man has to be created. Let us consider the theatre as something which fulfils a useful purpose by its comedy, by its tragedy, by its drama, by its farce, and which does so under the form best suited to us; let us consider it as serving this useful purpose despite the cries of the apostles of art for art's sake, words which are absolutely meaningless. Every literature that has not in view perfectability, morality, the ideal, the useful, in a word, is a stunted and unhealthy one. The representation, pure and simple, of facts and of men is nothing but the work of a notary or of a photographer."

The Death of the Literature of Form.

 You will see, therefore, that even from an early date this doctrine and its practice received continued opposition. Gradually a reaction set in. The craving for an escape from the prison-house of the material; a home-sickness for mystery, for the supernatural, took possession of one poet or another. There gradually arose in France what has been called the symbolistic movement. But before I enter upon this topic let me give you this inadequate translation of a poem of De Heredia, which illustrates the change. De Heredia, I may mention, is the finest representative of intense love of perfection of form in modern French poetry. You will pardon the poor translation, which but faintly reflects the original:—

To my shame have I sculptured,
Have I painted, O peril to my soul,
 Not, Christ on His cross, not the saint on the fire,
 But, Bacchus in his cups, or Danae in her shame ;
 And gambled my share of the life that is for aye
 Through a foolish pride in works which spring from hell ;
 But now that the evening of my life is come,
 Grant that, like Frau Juan de Segovie,
 I may die as I thread with golden filigree
 The monstrance which holds Christ.

In verses such as those De Heredia is ringing the death-knell of the school to which he belonged throughout his life. "The whole of that movement," says Arthur Symons, "came to a splendid funeral in M. de Heredia's sonnets, in which the literature of form says its last word and dies." The world was not such a simple thing as the so-called gentlemen of "science" had taken it to be, and symbolism came to emphasise the fact; something was hidden behind the veil of sense. "Crains dans le mur aveugle un regard qui t'epie," says Gerard de Nerval. With the return of the belief in mystery and of an unseen world beyond, the Catholic Church began to come into her own again. Ferdinand Brunetiere, the brilliant editor of the "Revue des Deux Mondes," was to sound the tocsin in his famous article on the Bankruptcy of Science. Not, as he was careful to point out, that he was op posed to science when kept within its legitimate sphere, no more than he himself was willing to relinquish the element of good which he believed was to be found amidst the errors of his former Positivism. And I myself take this opportunity of saying that in criticising the theory of naturalism, or the theory of art for art's sake, I am not denying that they contained an element of truth, an element which it is desirable should be preserved and propagated. In the case of Brunetiere the influence of Newman was strongly felt, and those who care about philosophical parallels will find interest in Henri Bremond's comparison of Brunetiere's theory of the non-rational element in faith with Newman's theory of an illative sense. But it is as a literary critic Brunetiere interests us here. In season and out of season he attacked Zola and his school, and there can be but little doubt that his numerous lectures throughout France helped to make the road easy for the new Catholic literature. Let me quote the following expression of his firmly-held opinions. Speaking of a certain view held by Taine, he says: — "I see in it an instructive testimony —a presumption, if you will— of that which I mentioned just now, namely, that the art which has as its sole object itself, which takes no heed as to the quality of the characters it describes, the art, in a word, which does not reckon with the impressions which it is capable of making on the senses or of exciting in the mind, that art, however great may be the artist, I do not say that it is inferior, that is another question, but I say that it tends necessarily to immorality."

  A Testimony to Conscience's Cry.

 Amongst those who recognised this was one whose child-like habits and unhappy life recals in part our own Clarence Mangan, But the mire of Paris never sullied the pure soul of Mangan as it did that of Paul Verlaine. Child-like, he tumbled amidst the fertile savannahs of a tropical imagination, forgetful of the poisonous snakes of immorality that lay hidden there; it is pathetic to hear in his song the startled cries of a soul terrified to death by the discovery it has made of its own fall. As he listens to the voice of the Good Shepherd calling on him to come to Him, he exclaims: —
 Lord ! it is too much ! Truly, I dare not ;
 Love whom? Is it you?
 Oh no ! I tremble, I do not dare to love you,
 I do not dare.
 I wish it not. I am unworthy,
 You ! the immense rose
 Of the pure winds of love, O you !
 All the hearts of the saints, O you !
 Who are the jealous one of Israel,
 You ! the chaste bee that lights
 Only on the flower of innocence half closed.

 What I ? What I ? to dare to love you !
 Are you mad !
 O Father, O Son, O Holy Spirit! I! this sinner! this coward !
 This proud one ! whose task has evil been,
 And in whose every sense, smell, touch, and taste,
 Sight, hearing, nay, his entire being,
 In whose every hope and in each remorseful pang,
 There is naught left but the ecstasy of a caress,
 At whose touch the old Adam within
 May pass into empty nothingness.

 What a testimony to the reality of the cry of conscience is expressed in this powerful poem, which has lost infinitely by translation. Verse-form, magic, even the sense, I fear, have departed.
 You will note here, perhaps, the use of symbols such as the 'Rose of the pure winds of love,' 'The chaste bee,' 'The half-closed flower of innocence;' and you will be right in placing Verlaine amongst those poets who have been called symbolists. But if you do so it is wise to make a distinction. There is a symbolism which goes back to that of the Middle Ages, whose home is in the Catholic Church, and in her alone. There is another symbolism which is but a faint reflection of the first, and which is but a modern paganism dressed in borrowed weeds of mysticism.
 It was with a profound sense of its appropriateness that Huysmans placed on the title page of his "La Cathedrale" these verses of the twenty-sixth Psalm so familiar to us priests:—

 Domine, dilexi decorum domus tuae,
 Et locum habitationis gloriae tune,
 Ne perdas cum impiis, Deus, animam meam.

 Catholic Symbolism.

 To the Catholic symbolist the world will be the home of the living God, and its beauty his vestment, as the cathedral is the chamber-room of his presence. He will not work upon it, as if it were the veil which hides a mystery which leads him to despair. He will not consider it us a tapestry upon which to project the carnal fancies of his own imagination, and pretend that they are the reflections of a truth which lies beyond, it will ever be for him the veil of a divinity which he knows; which he does not comprehend, but which he loves, it will be the self-same symbolism which ennobled the material in the Middle Ages with ideas, and which moulded it into the Gothic shrines of Europe. It will be the symbolism which taught Dante to fix in immortal colour the spiritual beauty of Paradise and the lurid terrors of hell; it will be the symbolism which has inspired the stately litanies of the Church, and which has made her altars a blaze of colour; it is a symbolism which will not fail to realise that in itself it is but the irridescent glow, thrown upon the material veil of earth by a Light which is eternal.
 And this is the symbolism that inspired the pages which Verlaine devoted to wisdom, and which called from out the morasses of a debasing naturalism Huysmans, "the rare and precious stylist." It is a symbol ism which lends a fresh significance to ceremonies with which we are all familiar, and stirs the heart within us for its very beauty. Let me justify my remarks by this extract from Huysmans, in which he described the ceremony of the Absolution of the Dead: "The Mass ended," he says, "the celebrant disappeared, and as at the moment when the corpse entered, the clergy, preceded by the Suisses, advanced towards the body, and in the blazing circle of the vapours a priest in his cope said the mighty prayers of the general absolution. Then the liturgy took a higher tone, and became still more admirable. Meditative between the sinner and the judge, the Church, by the mouth of her priest, implores the Lord to pardon the poor soul: 'Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo Domine'— then after the amen given by the organ and all the choir, a voice arose in the silence, and spoke in the name of the dead — 'Libera me!' and the choir continued the old chant of the tenth century, just as in the 'Diesirae,' Which appropriates to itself fragments of those plaints, the Last Judgement flamed out, and pitiless responses declare to the dead the reality of his alarms; declare to him that at the end of time the Judge will come with the crash of thunder to chastise the world. The priest marched round the catafalques sprinkling it with beads of holy water, incensed it, gave shelter to the poor weeping soul, consoled it, took it to himself, covered it, as it were, with his cope, and again intervened to pray that, after so much weariness and sorrow, the Lord will permit the unhappy one to sleep the sleep that knows no waking, far from earth's noises. Never in any religion has a more charitable part, a more august mission, been assigned to man. Lifted, by his consecration, wholly above humanity, almost deified, by sacerdotal office, the priest, while earth laments or is silent, can advance to the brink of the abyss, and intercede for the being whom the Church has baptised as an infant, who has, no doubt, forgotten her since that day, and may even have persecuted her up to the hour of his death."

 The Church's Wondrous, Magnetic Attraction

 Through familiarity with the routine of her daily life, we may fail to appreciate the wondrous and magnetic attraction which the Church is ever exercising in the world. The extent of that attraction is exemplified by the diversity of talents that she enlists in. her service. She has strewn the earth with, the divine manna of white hosts round which the millions of her faithful children offer pure worship and praise to the hidden God. But whilst her invisible life is the foundation of her existence, she is Catholic in the widest sense, and claims a right to all that is good in the work of man, whether it be poetry or painting, or music or sculpture. Well is it for those who, like Francois Coppee, have not to regret the work of the past, but can lay at the feet of their Mother the Church, works conceived and executed far from her presence. In Huysmans and Verlaine conversion rose out of their disgust with a literary method which, was degrading, as much as out of its personal effect upon themselves; in the case of Francois Coppee there was little to regret in his enormous output of work. Truth found him out in suffering, and showed him the emptiness of a world where God is not and the beauty and truth of the religion of his childhood. The sincerity of his con version may be seen from these glowing; pages in "La Bonne Souffrance," in which, he traces in its every detail its history. Addressing his fellow-convert, Huysmans, he says:
 "However, believe me, there is another thing. A breath has passed — Spiritus fiat ubi vult — and religious words have been uttered by lips whence we would not have expected them. Poor Verlaine was the first. Do you remember the wondrous cry of repentance in 'Sagesse.' Later you have written your two honest and interesting volumes. I myself, neither whose work nor whose past has anything edifying in it, I also bring my poor contribution to this Christian effort. By another road, but one leading to the same destination, Brunetiere passed along; and no one, I am sure, will consider him as a mere poet and neurotic. Is not this a remarkable fact; and is there nothing but mere chance in the fact that several laymen, quite independent and disinterested — for they have nothing immediately to gain from their action, save mockery and insult — make open proclamation of their return to religious belief? And is there not; in that a manifest proof that, amidst the accumulated ruins of the bankruptcy of the sentiment, of the philosophy, of the politics, and of the society of the disastrous last years of the (19th) century, the faith rises proudly aloft, like to those imposing cathedrals which, fixed firmly in their foundations during so many ages, witness to the indestructible force of Christianity and to the permanence of the Church?"

 A Literature of Reaction.

 This neo-Catholic literature in France, from the nature of the case, was, and is, more or less a literature of reaction. It was a protest against the seduction which the evil education fostered by an anti-Christian caucus of politicians had exercised on the minds of its victims; it was a protest, furthermore, against a theory of art which would shut man within the prison walls of the flesh and stifle in him that personal freedom by which he can breathe freely in the supernatural.
 But over and above this, in the persons of Rene Bazin in France and Francis Thompson in England, the Church has shown her power to foster the talents of the sons who have never left the paternal home. The aroma of the purest Catholic home life is wafted through the pages in which Rene Bazin has revealed the heart of the Catholic democracy of France. He has revealed the secret beauty of the lives of those working girls and working men whom every missionary priest has met and wondered at and admired, He has shown, notwithstanding the facile sneers of certain literary critics, that there is a France which is true to the best traditions of its past, and he has read some   terrifying lessons to those who would attempt to destroy them.
 One thing the Catholic faith tends to destroy in literature, over and above immorality or infidelity, and that is diletanteism and insincerity, in being true to their inner convictions Catholics have nothing to lose in literature, and their interest for the public that lies outside the Church is increased thereby ten-fold. I was struck by a remark which Edmond Gosse, a non-Catholic critic, made in criticising the work of Paul Bourget, one of the keenest observers and most prolific writers amongst French novelists. Speaking of Bourget — who, it may be mentioned has also become a practical Catholic — he says: "Hence we like his book best where it gives us the results of the application of his subtle intellect to less familiar matters. All he has to say about the vitality of the Catholic Church in the United States is worthy of close attention. His interviews with Cardinal Gibbons and Archbishop Ireland are of material interest. No pages here are more graphic than those which record a visit to a Roman Church in New York, and the sermon which the author listened to there. . . . in observation of this kind M. Bourget can always be trusted."

   In Ireland.

 I fear I have trespassed on the time at your disposal, but I should not wish to leave my subject without, at least, indicating the bearing of my paper on the question of Catholic literature in Ireland. In France, as we have seen, literature reflected the troubled state of that country's soul; in England literature as represented by Newman took a controversial turn at first, but gradually it has come to deal, as in the case of Coventry Patmore and Francis Thompson, with features of life which we consider more poetic; and incidentally the latter has illustrated by the wealth of his art the reach of his imagination and the purified sensuousness of his verse-form, the fact that, as was the case in the Middle Ages, nothing that is good in art is outside the range of Catholic effort, or as he himself puts it: "With few exceptions, whatsoever in our best poets is great and good to the non-Catholic, is great and good also to the Catholic."
 I would go even further than this, and say that what is great and good to the non-Catholic is so, because it is great and good to the Catholic. For the Catholic Church is the load-stone of truth in the world; she is the defender of the reality of that material universe which is the stuff in which art must work; she is the defender of the spiritual, without which art sinks into more animalism and sensualism. She has ever insisted on the balance which should exist between these two worlds, so frequently at variance with one another ; and it is by parting from her proposals and leaving her guidance that the sad errors in modern literary movements have arisen. But the Catholic Church does not exercise a merely directive function in Literature, she is not merely the rudder on the ship, she is the ship itself. She claims to control, nay, to own by unquestionable title all that is good in art, in literature, in life. She places the stamp of her approval not alone upon the works of those who are in visible communion with her, but also upon the works of those who are, unconsciously, in visible communion with her through the good that is in their work, whether, it be that of an Aristotle or of a Shakespeare. And more than that, she claims to understand their final purport better than even those who have created them. For the firm possession of Catholic truth, whilst; it is no guarantee of merely executive skill, is a real guarantee of a power to comprehend the ultimate drift of a work of literature or of a work of art, and hence its influence upon conduct.
 This latter power we in Ireland possess, but the executive skill is not greatly in evidence. It will come with sincerity of thought. If we really live our thoughts, we shall find that expression is bound to follow, provided, however, that a large culture has placed at our disposal that rich vocabulary without which the literary artist; remains dumb. The second spring, perhaps, is near at hand. Here and there a blossom seems to indicate the return of a genial summer. A wave of idealism appears to have set in in Europe which may be deflected into the pathway of Catholic truth; it is time to "take from its walls the psaltery of Alighieri. To unroll the precedents of the Church's past; to recall to your minds that Francis of Assisi was among the precursors of Dante; that sworn to poverty he foreswore not beauty but discerned through the lamp Beauty the Light, God." It is time to recall to you that the representatives of Christ on earth, having crowned patriotism in the person of Joan of Arc with the palm of sanctity, has adorned poetry, which is sanctity's earthly handmaid, in the person of Mistral with the laurel of purity.

 The Catholic Press 11 August 1910,

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