THE THREE INDUSTRIAL FORCES.

 It is not too much to say that the people who think—-those who really occupy themselves with the problems of the world—are full of grave anxiety as to the outcome of the forces, social and economic, which are shaking not only Continental but British and colonial society. The seed sown a couple of generations ago is now bearing fruit. The obscure men who preached and argued in the early fifties have got together an army of disciples which now begins to shake the world, so that the people who really look before and after are full of trouble and dread as to the outcome of the new power which has grown so rapidly and so strongly whilst the nations " slept on their heaps of gold." Many years ago, once more in the early fifties, CHARLES KINGSLEY and the Christian Socialists told the people of England the direction in which thought, even in that country, had begun to flow rapidly, whilst those who watched the movements on the Continent of Europe said that a power was growing up with which account would have to be taken at no very distant date. That date seems nearly to have arrived. The recent general election in Belgium has revealed to the startled middle and upper classes the fact that Socialism in one of its phases has stepped out into the arena of practical politics, and has there thrown down its gage to all comers to take up if they please. The Belgian Socialists, by careful organisation and hard work, have secured some 50 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, having completely annihilated the Liberals, or those who may be called the Whigs of Continental political life. The clerical party, which professes to be socialistic within certain limits as to authority and religion, has gained some 148 seats, so that the two extreme parties are for the first time face to face, but with this strange qualification, that the clerical party, as anyone can see who reads current religious literature, professes to be socialistic so far as economic arrangements are in question. The reflex action of this movement is visible in England, as shown in the speeches of the labour leaders, for which reason it has become very important to ourselves, as a practical question apart from any speculation on the development of opinion, to understand, if we can, the lines along which the forces.at work are likely to be most powerful and finally shape the future relations of the various sections of industry.

To understand this, even in a slight degree, it is necessary to know what is going on. As a rule, the English and colonial reader does not know. He reads of wild, whirling words used in labour conferences, especially in foreign countries, he marvels at resolutions passed in England by a Trades Union Congress, but he does not see what lies behind it all, nor how Continental thought is affecting the English working-classes through its influence on their leaders. Now, on the Continent the fact is well recognised that there are three movements which may be roughly called socialistic, representing three schools of thought and three modes of action. The representatives of those are KARL MARX, BAKOUNINE, and the Co-operative leaders, of which last there is no one specially distinguished. The MARX doctrine is an assault on individualism in all its shapes. The principle of egoism is the curse of society, consequently private property is a thing to be assailed. It has been said that the dream of this section of the Socialists is of a hive of human bees, with or without a queen, in which there will be work for the general good, with a distribution of the results of work for the general benefit. The individual is to be nothing, and the state everything. Plato's Republic and Utopia may be said to be the models on which this conception of society is formed, no account being taken (as in these famous schemes) of the difficulty of carrying out the great principles that are laid down. The distinguishing feature of this section of the Socialists is, that it proposes to act through the legislatures.

It lays itself out to capture members of Parliament. It believes that the working-classes, now that they have the voting power, can obtain the control of the legislative forces, and thus get all that they require by process of law. In other words, the theory is that what is called called collectivism, the conducting of all great industries by the State, can be enacted, and thus the industrial world be so transformed that competition shall cease, and each worker receive what he requires, whilst no one shall be able to accumulate riches. This is the peaceful Socialistic movement which has made itself felt in Belgium. The doctrine of BAKOUNINE is the opposite to this. With him egoism is the supreme good. MARX finds the summum bonum in altruism pushed to its furthest extreme, such as Shelley sets forth in Prometheus Unbound, where a shipwrecked man gives his plank to his enemy, and " plunges aside to die." To BAKOUNINE this would all be nonsense. Man wants but freedom to act to become good, noble, the crown and flower of creation, the supreme manifestation of intelligence and benevolence. The point is to clear the way. Humanity is cramped. It has no chance. Sweep away the artificial barriers set up by the wicked and the cunning, and then man will stand up whole and perfect, the true head of animated nature. To attain this we must clear the decks. We must pull down that we may have room to build. Therefore, force must be used where necessary, for there can be no hope in palaver. The motto, as set forth in so many words, is "hate and vengeance to the bourgeoisie, revolt and dictation from the prolétariat." This is the doctrine that has taken hold of the Latin races, which is called Anarchy, whilst its antithesis, or parliamentary action, is known as the Teuton development of Socialism, which is taken to include the British people, and rightly taken, as may be learned from the recent speeches at the Trades Union Congress.

We may conclude, from a general consideration of history as showing what human nature is, that neither of these movements will accomplish its purpose, though both may cause much trouble. Moreover, there is a force growing up which is fast counteracting them, and forming a vast conservative body which will resist the disintegrating proposals. This is co-operation. Few persons in these colonies, or even in England, know the vast strides that this movement has made of late years, especially in France and Germany, where co-operative banks, trades, agricultural societies, and wholesale and retail stores have been established. All over France this movement is going on, finding much favour amongst the small landholders, who see in it a means to preserve their holdings whilst they shake themselves free from the extortion of the middle-man. The Credit Foncier has failed to help agriculture much, but co-operative banks, locally managed by local shareholders, have solved a number of problems. France is outwardly revolutionary ; at heart she is intensely conservative. Further, there is a strong movement towards international co-operation, largely promoted both in England and France, the motto of which is "the participation of the worker in the rewards of industry." This is the conservative force which confronts Socialism in all its aspects, and which is destined to subdue it in the end, for it combines freedom to the individual with the benefits of united action for the general good. It is the only coming industrial force which has in it the elements of permanency and success.

Australasian (Melbourne, Vic. : 1864 - 1946), Saturday 15 December 1894, page 29