| By May Brodney |
LIBERALS and Communists continue to urge that Fascism is a foreign system of government likely to be introduced into democratic countries by military conquest or annexation.
The danger of this propaganda lies chiefly in the fact that a new class collaboration policy is urged upon the working class. We are asked to adopt a "democratic" alliance against Fascism as a means of resisting this advanced stage of capitalist development—a development which is peculiar to all countries—and which can only be resisted by working-class action.
Let us first look to France to see the danger of the "democratic" alliance or the Popular Front policy. Robert Dell gives a picture of France to-day in the "Nation," a journal which has been, and still is, an advocate of the Popular Front policy.
Dell begins his article by quoting Anatole France, who used to say that it was never necessary for the French reactionaries to be in office. They could always get men of the left to carry out their policy.
The men of the "Left" co-operated in a Popular Front policy. They abandoned the only justification for a separate working-class movement; they smothered their class consciousness; they forgot their real enemies were their own exploiters; they were duped into believing that Fascism came only from without; they turned their backs upon Marx's teaching of the class struggle; on the development of capitalism; on the pro-slavery rebellion. In short they betrayed their class. And France to-day is Fascist in all but name.
"The hours of labor in all the most important industries, including mining, have been increased to sixty a week, and even that limit may be exceeded if the Government thinks fit. The extra pay for overtime, which has hitherto been on a sliding scale rising from 10 to 25 per cent, according to the number of extra hours, has been reduced to 5 per cent, whatever the number of extra hours may be. According to one report, overtime is payable on all hours exceeding forty-five a week instead of forty as hitherto, but this does not appear to be certain.
Press Censorship
"A press censorship seems almost certain. Already the publication of any news about military matters other than that given out by the Government has been prohibited. According to one report, a press and propaganda department on the lines presided over by Dr. Goebbels has been, or is to be, set up. A censorship of foreign press telegrams, which is already illegally practised to some extent, may be expected. The suppression of the Communist Party and the prohibition of public meetings and demonstrations will probably not long be delayed. Nothing, it seems to me, but 'direct action' on the part of organised labor can prevent the establishment of a Fascist regime in France, and I do not anticipate any such action."
Thus writes Robert Dell in the "Nation," April 1, 1939.
And Dell feebly blames the French politicians for the state of affairs which the "Left," by its abandonment of the class struggle for a United Front policy, has brought about. "Something seems to have gone wrong with the French politicians," he wails.
In Spain the Popular Front policy made way for Franco and Fascism. The heroic Marxists and Anarchist trade unionists of Spain resisted this policy. They were jailed and assassinated for their opposition. Front line troops who did not subscribe to the Popular Front policy were left destitute of arms, and fell an easy prey to Franco's forces. In Barcelona in May, 1937, the trade union headquarters were attacked and leading anti-Fascists murdered by the so-called anti-Fascists of the Popular Front policy.
In England the Labor Party is still resisting the pernicious Popular Front policy, although the proposers of this idea are splitting the movement to accomplish their ends. Cripps is organising this split, and one of his channels of organisation is the "New Statesman and Nation" or the journal in England with a similar policy to the American "Nation," the paper from which I have been quoting.
Invaded Labor
Fascism has given a number of people the jitters. They had no political interests previously. They swarmed into the Communist Party and invaded the Labor Party. They lack understanding of political theories, and haven't the faintest conception of the fundamental issues of the Labor Movement.
Individually their period of activity is brief; their energy soon evaporates. Collectively the campaign to which they bring a fresh activity lasts a little longer because of the new recruits won by their enthusiasm. As they become disillusioned they are filling the ranks of the converts or passive resisters to Fascism.
Practically none of them are won to a class position because they are determined to maintain their position as aloof from that of the Labor Movement fact, they are snobs who only seek to use the Labor Movement to further own interests not understanding that they seek to bolster up an untenable position. Marx foresaw that Capitalism in its final or imperialistic stage inevitably goes into decay and therewith into a Fascist form. It cannot tolerate the rights, liberties and freedoms—the concessions —of an expansionist age.
The first task of our movement is to show this sequence of events. The second task is to show that the further the Fascist development goes the nearer comes the necessity and the possibility of Socialism.
The third point is to show that it is the working class that can carry out the change to Socialism. And, further, that this change can be achieved only by going forward in method and not backward to an appeal to democratic arguments.
However true it may be that the workers must resist the loss of rights, liberties and freedoms, it must be emphasised that it is not by a negative appeal to democratic forms that Socialism can be achieved. On the contrary the need is to emphasise the fact that it is by class action (that is working-class action) only can Socialism be achieved. Indeed it is only by class action that existing rights can be preserved.
To talk in terms of democratic rights is to delude the workers.
Imperialism on Warpath
Fascism is not a danger, immediate or otherwise, to the workers because it is Fascism, but because it is imperialism on the war-path. Therefore it is not something that requires an abject abandonment of the class struggle and of working-class principles, but rather of a more intense waging of that struggle.
The Popular Front policy not only renders the workers unable to wage an intense struggle on class lines, but at the present moment it is about to divide them disastrously into national sections slaughtering each other in another world war.
In 1928 the Sixth Congress of the Comintern, Moscow, understood the situation when it declared: "In the last imperialist war the Allies made use of the slogan: 'Fight against Prussian militarism," while the Central Empires used the slogan: 'Fight against Czarsim'; both sides used the respective slogans to mobilise the masses for war. In the future war . . . the same purpose will be served by the slogan: 'Fight reactionary Fascism,' for the bourgeoise . . . will take advantage of the anti-Fascist sentiments of the masses of the people to justify imperialist war." (From the Resolution on War, Sixth Congress, Comintern, Moscow.)
But since then Moscow has changed its policy, and the Marxists have been executed. The workers are being hoodwinked into the next world slaughter.
How the international war profiteers must smile!
The Russia they feared will be their greatest ally! The World Revolution they dreaded a mere nightmare!
And instead of Marx's clarion call: "Workers of the World, Unite," the friends and supporters of Soviet Russia cry: "To arms, you must help your democratic exploiters to wage war on the conscript workers of Germany, Italy and Japan because their exploiters are Fascists."
But the Labor Movement in Australia learned something from 1914. Democracy was not saved on the battlefields of Europe. The war for Democracy gave Germany a Hitler in place of the Kaiser; it crushed the social democrats.
Stalin reigns as supreme in Russia as did the Czar. Imperialistic capitalism went cheerfully on its way into the Fascist stages in all the belligerent countries.
The war to end war will not be a war between nations but a class war, and it will not be waged against the workers of Germany, Italy and Japan, but with the workers of Germany, Italy and Japan against our common exploiters: the International Capitalist Class.
The pernicious Popular Front policy must not be allowed to pave the way for Fascism in Australia by national and class alliances. The advocates of the Popular Front are the advance agents of the Fascists.
Look to France and Spain if you doubt it!
The Negrins and the La Passionarias are permitted to escape to carry on their work for Capitalism elsewhere, but the workers are slaughtered or left to suffer the heel of Fascism.
"Powerful hatred of the Communists" will avail us little in the hour of defeat. Now is the time to resist their class collaboration propaganda and stand solidly in favor of a working-class policy.
Labor Call (Melbourne, Vic. : 1906 - 1953), Thursday 15 June 1939, page 7
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