THE DANGEROUS ELEMENT : ITS CHARACTER AND STRENGTH.
( Daily Telegraph, Feb. 18.)
During the last five years Socialism of a type widely differing from the placid semi-philanthropic doctrines preached by Owen has made rapid strides in London. Over half a century ago Owen's arguments and methods attracted a considerable degree of sympathetic attention and support from the middle and upper classes. His doctrines were for a time widely discussed in the best literary and social circles. It was the fashion of the day, but, like many other "crazes," it passed away, leaving only a bare memory of a wonderful picture of society when there were to be no rich and no poor, and all were to be alike happy and learned. The new revival of the doctrine of modern Socialism, or, as its adherents like to term it, the creed of 'One for all and all for one,' discards the combination of the philosophical and practical, as inculcated by Owen, and proceeds for the most part on the lines of passionate appeal to the cupidity of the masses and resort to physical force to bring about the overturn of the existing system of society. Perhaps much of the form Socialism has now assumed in England is due to the influence and teaching of the German and French Socialists, and reflex action from the extensive movement on the Continent. England, and London more especially, is feeling to the full the effect of the measures taken by the Continental Governments to "stamp out" Socialism. Five years ago Socialism was to all intents and purposes defunct in England. It had no organisation and no power among our countrymen. True there were three if not four Socialistic clubs in London, but every one of their members was a foreigner, and no attempt was made to carry on a propaganda among Englishmen. Their work was to unite people of their own nationality domiciled in the metropolis, and to assist their confederates in their native land. The German Socialists were probably the first to aid in establishing in London an English-speaking branch. Their organ at that period was the Freihet, edited by Herr Most and others now of New York. For a short time there was an English edition of that journal, Freedom, but, like its progenitor, the publication ceased for want of support. Most's paper had its chief circulation on the Continent, and it was smuggled across in a hundred and one ways, and read in Germany, Austria and Russia by nearly one thousand subscribers, who perused its pages at the risk of arrest and imprisonment. After Most's imprisonment in London, and the attention drawn to Socialism by the trial, several of the metropolitan Radical clubs took up the question. In a short time following there was a federation of many of the Radical clubs throughout the country. This federated body was a very democratic organisation, and it was subsequently pushed by its more active members over the confines of even the most advanced Radicalism into Socialism.
In this way the Social Democratic Federation came into being. It cannot fairly be said to be the successor of any organised body of English Socialists. Since its formation, however, it has started branches in various places in the metropolis, as well as in many places in England and Scotland. In Ireland the attempts to organise or create a Socialist body have not as yet met with any measure of success. English Socialists like their Continental brethren, are already divided into two different sects. Socialists appear in London, as everywhere else, to have an infinite capacity to break up into separate groups. Agreement among any considerable number of these very advanced people is rare, but uniformity of doctrine is not quite so uncommon. There are at this moment in London at least three organised foreign Socialist clubs. They are the oldest, and are entitled to be first dealt with. These are the German Socialists (workmen), who meet near Rathbone-place, W. ; the French Society ( ouvrier ), a Russian society, and the Internationals, who meet in Tottenham-street. The latter possibly may be classed as an English Socialist body. None of these societies have a newspaper, and their actual membership is small. Their clubs are workmen's clubs, and, all told, it is very questionable if they have more than 1,000 members. Twice that number should be added for occasional visitors and persons friendly to their movement, so that in this way you have 3,000 Socialists as a full estimate — and a fairly correct one— of the strength of the foreign revolutionary element, in London. With reference to the more distinctly London Socialistic Societies, first in the position and intelligence of its members, although not in popularity or aggressiveness, stands the Philosophical Fabian Society. Rival Socialist bodies say there are not twenty Fabians, but others more favourably disposed, aver it has over 200 members. Many of the Fabians are well-known people, and their crusade is conducted in a mildly argumentative way, in the ordinary political economic strain. The Fabians have a monthly periodical called 'The Practical Socialist.' The society is English first and Socialist afterwards, as note the following, taken from its columns under the heading of an article relating to the late elections : —
"The cry of 'Coercion,' as synonymous with tyranny, has been raised against the Liberals, but what is the coercion referred to? It is the adoption of such measures as are necessary for bringing to justice the actors in a conspiracy of cattle-maiming, outrage, and murder, also the protection of peaceful law abiding citizens. It is difficult to understand how Englishmen of any party, even if they sympathise with the political aims in furtherance of which these outrages are supposed to be committed, can desire to give the protection of impunity to the perpetrators, or wish to dispense with the safeguards which have enabled the police to bring some of them to justice.'
The Fabians, and another small coterie, are the only English Socialists who have ventured to denounce and refuse support to certain practices of the Irish agitation. Like another body "The Christian Socialists, " the Fabians discountenance every plan but that of moral suasion to win over people in a country where there is a free press and free speech. The Christian Socialists have for their leader a clergyman, named the Rev. Stuart Headlam, M.A. Their members are insignificant, and their organisation is very defective. They have, however a monthly journal, called the Christian Socialist, which has a sale of over 2,000 copies. Whilst the Fabians meet in Finsbury, the Christian Socialists meet in a book store at 185, Fleet street. The Social Democratic Federation, of which Messrs. Hyndman, Burns, Champion and Williams are prominent members, all four belonging to the Council, adopts a totally different course in pushing its platform from that of either of the Fabians or the Christian Socialists. It seeks to attract the masses by bluntly advising agitation and organisation, that the working classes may wrest from its present holders the possession of all the property in the country. Its published objects are :
The establishment of a free condition of society based on the principle of political equality, with equal social rights for all and the complete emancipation of labour.
PROGRAMME.
1. All officers or administrators to be elected by equal direct adult suffrage, and to be paid by the community.
2. Legislation by the people, in such wise that no project of law shall become legally binding till accepted by the majority of people.
3. The abolition of a standing army, and the establishment of a national citizen force; the people to decide on peace or war.
4. All education, higher no less than elementary, to be free, compulsory, secular, and industrial for all alike.
5. The administration of justice to be free and gratuitous for all members of society.
6. The land, with all the mines, rail ways, and other means of transit, to be declared and treated as common property.
7. Ireland and all other parts of the Empire to have legislative independence.
8. The production of wealth to be regulated by society in the common interest of all its members.
9. The means of production, distribution, and exchange to be declared and treated as collective or common property.
Strange as it may seem, notwithstanding their public declarations, the Social Democrats of the Federation vow they are not Anarchists. Their contention is that they believe in organised Socialism, restrained by law ; and not in the wild, impossible dreams of those who hold the anarchical doctrine of almost unrestrained individual freedom. With this reservation conceded, they admit that, once their society is more fully organised, or whenever there is a reasonable prospect of success, they will lead a revolt if necessary against the present order of things in order to overturn the Government and establish Social Democracy. The Social-Democratic Federation has a considerable following in London and the provinces. Their council-rooms are in Palace-chambers at Westminster, and their organs are the weekly paper, Justice, and the monthly magazine, To-day. The sale of Justice prior to last Monday's demonstration was between 3,000 to 4,000 copies weekly. Taking into account the Socialist clubs affiliated to the Federation, and their adherents connected with the Radical clubs, they could probably muster on a great occasion 10,000 men in the metropolis. The organisations all suffer from want of funds ; but it is said that, with little or no expenditure, numbers of their followers could be got together on any special emergency. To the uninitiated it may sound strange that a substantial sum of money is always a first requisite before any of the working men's demonstrations can be carried out.
The Franchise demonstration is said to have cost its promoters several thousand pounds, one way and another. Mr. Hyndman and his colleagues make it their boast that with £50 to £100 they can summon together, because of the enthusiasm of their people, a larger gathering than others can get by the expenditure of a thousand pounds. To further their aims the Social-Democratic Federation leaders have not scrupled to receive money from the Parnellite party, the Liberals, and Conservatives. Differences in the management of the organisation induced the poet, Mr. William Morris, and several others to break with Mr. Hyndman and the Federation, and form a new body, to which they gave the title of ' The Socialist League.' The two programmes are substantially the same, and only differ in their mode of administration. The Federation is controlled by a small council, whereas the League chooses the more democratic plan in guiding all its affairs. The League has club premises in Farringdon-road, and has meetings every week. Its organ is the Commonweal, a monthly, with a circulation of over 5,000 copies. There are about 1,000 members belonging to the League. The most recent offshoot from the Federation is the ' Socialist Union,' a small body still in process of organisation They came out because of the open quarrel respecting the receipt by the Federation of Conservative money to run Socialist candidates against Liberals at the last elections. There is another and still more irreconcileable body of Socialist fanatics known as the Anarchists. These are they who possibly, for the most part, were they able, would gladly dynamite the world out of existence rather than that society should perpetuate itself as now organised. The majority of Socialists even regard their Anarchical brethren as what the Americans call ' cranks,' whilst the latter, in their turn, view the former as miserable insipid creatures afraid to carry out their theories to their full logical limit. The disintegration of society, by any and every means, is the Anarchist's mad dream. Fortunately there are certainly not more than 303 Anarchists in London, and their organ, the ' Anarchist,' which appears rather irregularly, sells not more than 500 copies, and is not in a flourishing condition.
Enough is known to prove that there is no fellowship between the Fenian societies and the Socialists either in London or anywhere else ; which is scarcely matter for surprise since the two organisations have no objects in common. The priesthood anathematise the Socialists, and the Fenians are too intent on their pursuit of Nationalism to have any weakness towards the internationalism which the others strive to inculcate. Fenianism at present is at a low ebb. In Great Britain and London, and need not seriously be reckoned as part of the dangerous element. It would be more likely, as things are, that the Fenians would assist to put down a Socialist uprising than take part with them to establish a Social Democracy. A comparison made by the most prominent of the Socialist leaders may serve to illustrate what they themselves think about their numbers : " If there was a sudden call for a procession, why the Salvationists two weeks ago would have had the largest turn-out ; next to them, possibly, the Bradlaughites, and, closely following, the Socialists. To-day we would outnumber the Bradlaughites, and we think we might even run the Salvationists a close race." Reckoning the more advanced Socialists as the true dangerous element in London to-day, it will be seen that, by an effort, their leaders could muster 16,000 men, most of whom would, if there was any chance of success, repeat upon a larger scale the work of last Monday. To these are to be added the criminal class and the loungers usually ripe for mischief. Probably, if all were got together, they would not number more than 25,000 men. This is a force that the police should themselves be able to deal with. The Socialists will have to meet with better success in their propaganda before they can seriously threaten or imperil the safety of existing society.
Maryborough Chronicle, Wide Bay and Burnett Advertiser (Qld.) 1886, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article146766462
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