GOVERNOR EYRE AND THE JAMAICA BUSINESS

 The most significant sign of the times, next to the great meetings in favour of Parliamentary reform, is the movement respecting Governor EYRE and the disgraceful Jamaica business. It is not unlikely that this matter will exercise a more powerful influence in arraying class against class than anything which has taken place during the present generation. The agitation arising from it is yet in its earlier stages. The character of EYRE'S proceedings was so atrocious — his conduct so fiendish and bloodthirsty, and the surrounding circumstances so much beyond and unlike anything that has taken place in modern times—that the mass of the English public were at first quite unable to comprehend the real bearing of the facts, or to believe that EYRE and his officers had in reality committed the frightful and unparalleled atrocities which they stated they had, and which they attempted to justify so far as they were conscious that any justification was required or expected. It is not, however, with the legal guilt or innocence of EYRE and his gang that we, as British subjects, are so much concerned as with the political and social aspect which the case has now assumed. The cause of the Jamaica butchers has been taken up by a powerful section of the aristocracy, who say that whatever the nature of the particular acts committed by EYRE, the whole affair was in essence and in spirit a triumphant vindication of the supremacy of the class to which they belong. They appear to glory in the fact that the perpetrators were animated by the most thorough spirit of caste and the most violent hatred to the principle of equal rights. They well know that in shielding them they are helping to crush out the spirit of freedom and to fix the yoke of the few upon the necks of the many. The conduct of these vindicators of acts the most frightful has awakened feelings throughout the length and breadth of England which will stir the depths of political and social life to such a degree as has not been the case for many a year. It is evident that the treatment of inferior races affords a test which divides the leading men of the present day more sharply and subtly than any other. Taking a prominent position on the side of law, justice, freedom, and humanity in this contest, we have the boldest thinkers and foremost men of the age. STUART MILL, JOHN BRIGHT, GOODWIN SMITH, HERBERT SPENCER, HENRY FAWCETT, and many other recognised leaders of the liberal cause, are taking an active part. On the side of slavery and the privileges of caste there are, in addition to a host of titled nobodies, such renegades as CARLYLE, RUSKIN, and KINGSLEY. Tho former, it is well known, has been a worshipper of power, and a despiser of freedom, for many years. RUSKIN is his disciple, and is, if possible, more bigoted in his idolatry than his master. KINGSLEY is a more recent pervert to the bad cause. He was once a chartist and a socialist, and he is now a tory and a flunkey. Wherever there is a live lord there KINGSLEY'S knees reverently bend. It is said that he has nauseated many of his old friends by his constant references in private conversation to My Lord This or My Lord That. His absurd speech at Southampton in laudation of the infamous EYRE raised a burning blush on many a cheek, and sent a thrill of mingled indignation and disgust through every manly heart in Britain. The only possible excuses that can be made for him are that his family were owners of West Indian property, and suffered great losses by the emancipation of the slaves, and that he was bred in a school where deference to mere rank was part of the creed. The ardent and generous enthusiasm of youth overcame for a time the effects of early training, and hurried him into the adoption of extreme views in religion and politics. But his aristocratic sympathies, combined with the flattering attentions rendered by the great on account of his literary talents, have caused a revulsion, and he is now the admirer and apologist of one of the greatest criminals of ancient or modern times, simply because the aristocracy have made the cause of that criminal their own, and have identified his infamous acts with the safety and permanency of their position and privileges. As soon as it was suggested that, in vindication of the law and of the rights of humanity, EYRE ought to be tried for the murder of GORDON, steps were taken by his wealthy admirers to raise funds for his defence. This movement of a caste was met by a counter one on the part of the Jamaica committee, who, in a temperate but, powerful address, have appealed to the British public for subscriptions in aid of the fund for defraying the expenses of vindicating the rights of humanity, and the laws and character of their country, by bringing to the bar of justice the man whose crimes have so deeply disgraced the British nation.

Circumstances which have recently transpired prove that EYRE, in his conduct towards his principal victim, was actuated by private motives of the most petty and spiteful kind. GORDON'S talents, character, and position rendered him a formidable political opponent of the Governor and the little clique by which he was surrounded. EYRE made use of all the social blandishments in his power to detach GORDON from the popular party, of which he was one of the principal leaders. But GORDON, with a manliness and independence which did his infinite honour, firmly but politely declined the preferred favours. He knew the understood price of his acceptance of the Vice-regal courtesies, and the strength of will and independence of character involved in his rejection of them can be measured by the fate of the many, not otherwise contemptible or weak-minded men, who, under somewhat similar circumstances, have been unable to resist temptation. GORDON'S last letter to EYRE, declining an invitation to dinner, although couched in terms of studied politeness towards the Governor, betrayed in every word the contempt he felt for the man. It was certainly such a letter as a narrow minded and revengeful man would never forgive ; and accordingly poor GORDON paid the penalty of his independence and contempt for trifling social distinctions with his life.

Sufficient has already been published of the sickening details of the Jamaica crimes. It has been proved beyond the possibility of denial or doubt that more than eleven hundred victims were tortured or put to death in the most cruel manner ; that upwards of a thousand houses were burned or otherwise destroyed: that many of those who were shot or hanged—women as well as men—were previously tortured by cats made of piano wire; while not a shadow of proof has been afforded that any organised resistance to authority was ever attempted or even thought of. The English press, in its anxiety to shield the honour of the country from the disgrace of such crimes as these, or at all events to palliate so far as possible their perpetration, has been almost silent upon the fact of the complete absence of all proof of conspiracy or organised insurrection in the report of the Jamaica commission ; and an unworthy fear of national disgrace has prompted many well meaning men to endeavour to hide the matter, or to hush it up as quickly as possible. It is this feeling that has deterred many from taking a prominent part in bringing a great criminal to justice. Tho honour of England; however, is not to be vindicated by such means. A full, fair, searching investigation, and the condign punishment of the offender, is the only course which can vindicate the people of England from the charge of a guilty complicity with the most unprovoked butchery which the world has ever witnessed. The appeal made by Messrs. JOHN BRIGHT, STUART MILL, GOLDWIN SMITH, and other noble-minded men, for pecuniary aid to carry through this important trial will, we feel assured, be met in such a manner as will tend to clear the character of their country from the foul disgrace which it has suffered. Every one who owns the name of Englishman—whether in this colony or elsewhere—will do well to come forward with his assistance in this cause. The expenses will, no doubt be enormous, but they will be forthcoming, and justice will be done in due time.

Empire (Sydney, NSW : 1850 - 1875), Friday 21 December 1866, page 4