TEUTONIC NATIONALISM

By an unfortunate irony of fate the presentation of history had no sooner freed itself from the ecclesiastical influence than it fell a victim to the new spirit of nationalism. In the middle of the nineteenth century the importance of race was valued very slightly in comparison with such factors as climate, food and soil. But the latter half of this same century witnessed a remarkable outburst of race feeling and race patriotism. Each of these great movements of national consciousness has not failed to use arguments from history, and has not scrupled to color, and sometimes barefacedly pervert, the presentation of historical knowledge. Though a contamination by distortion and suppression due to sectarian rancor is becoming happily rare, thanks largely to the scientific spirit with which research into the past is conducted, there is all the same a cunning employment and subtle tincturing of history by those who are advocates of a national cause, and who do not divest themselves, as they ought, of bias and personal feeling when they set out to portray past motives and events. The many small volumes which have recently been published, at a cheap rate, dealing with particular epochs in the lives of men of note, often written with some brilliance, give ample evidence of this tendency. An ardent Home Ruler paints, for instance, a word picture of Ireland that would lead the uncritical reader to imagine that in the dark ages this unhappy country was peopled exclusively by saints, scholars and missionaries of culture and religion. The writers of booklets on such topics as the French Revolution or Victorian literature flaunt the banners of their politics and their creed perpetually before the readers' eyes. It should not be so, yet one has learned from experience to expect that each one of these cheap series of books will be markedly colored by the personality of the author, and that it will be used, boldly or insidiously, as a weapon in some political dispute.
 There is one cause, however, that can be charged with the special inspiration not merely of ephemeral primers and inconsequent essays, but of more solid works which claim to be serious contributions to history. The movement in question is pan-Germanism, which has given birth to some remarkable publications, in which the paramount influence of race is insisted on and the claim made that the place of the Teuton is at the head of all other races, and that it is his function to subjugate, or at any rate control, all such, and especially that mixture of peoples which Houston Chamberlain solemnly calls the Chaos. The pan-Germanists certainly push race patriotism to its limits. To them the significance of the Roman Empire consists in the fact that Eastern forces and influences were beaten off until the Teuton had time to collect his strength and go forth conquering and to conquer. They claim a Teutonic origin for all great reforms, inventions, discoveries, and, of course, all great men. They produce evidence to show that the genius of Dante was due to an infusion of transalpine blood. They trace Germanic invasion to the homes of Columbus, Cervantes and Michael Angelo. They will have it that the place of origin of Gothic architecture was on the banks of the Rhine or Danube. Any glory achieved by Venice or Florence, any maritime enterprise successfully conducted by Spain, or Portugal, any military dominion secured by France, they ascribe to an admixture of German blood and the influence of German ideals. Every intelligent subject of the Kaiser is familiar with these books, and has been brought up since childhood on the intellectual pabulum they contain. If the great deeds and thoughts of England, France, Spain and Italy can be traced to a Teutonic source, then Germany, they say, the head quarters of the Teutonic race, must be the favored land which shall extend its power throughout the earth and control the industries, finance and government, the art and science of all countries of the globe. Such, apparently, is the belief of the German soldier and average citizen.
 That the argument is wildly overdriven is, of course, obvious to anyone not blinded by a fanatical race feud. We are largely of Teutonic stock. Our common law is of German growth. Our attitude towards government, towards morality, in principle and in detail, our whole outlook on life, in fact, is based on a Teutonic foundation. But common fairness compels us to admit the immense, debt we owe to other races. Nor can we be convinced by the colored history which Houston Chamberlain and others serve up. If Dante and Columbus, St. Paul and Michael Angelo, owed their genius to Germanic blood, why did not these great men spring up in the heart of Saxony or Wurtemberg ? Why is it that painting has reached its highest pinnacle of excellence in Italy and Holland, and not in Baden or Hanover? Why do we turn to France, England and North Italy if we wish to see in Gothic architecture the finest expression of mystic beauty and aspiration in stone ? What is it that divides in our esteem Erasmus from Luther and Frederick from Napoleon ? If British institutions of government and faculty of producing self-governing colonies are due to Teutonic race and influence, why are not Australia, South Africa and North America subject to the eagle flag of Prussia ?
 The protest against the pan-Germanic conception of history can be carried further, and be directed against prevalent views on the nature and outcome of the great invasion which overthrew the Roman Empire. We have for so long been contented with the opinion that the turbulent nations which poured down from the north were agents of a righteous judgment. We have been asked to think of them as cleansing by blood and flame the iniquities of Roman luxury. But the impartial investigator in our own day does not represent the Italian or Provincial as quite so deeply sunk in turpitude. France, Spain, and even Britain were dotted with happy towns and villages where art, commerce and skilled agriculture were actively pursued, or at least carefully cherished. Books were written and read, travel was easy, and the blessing of peace rested on the land. But this contented civilisation was destroyed as utterly as wood is destroyed by fire. Amongst the dates in history to be marked in tragic black we must place that New Year's eve in 408 A. D. when the Vandals and Alans and their allies crossed the Rhine and carried fire, pillage and horrible butchery through the whole of France; and that other date, which the shuddering chronicler has not failed to give us, the 28th September, 409, when the same armed Teutonic bands passed through the Pyrenees and gave Spain over to the four prophetic desolations of the sword, famine, pestilence and wild beasts. It is difficult to find in what respect, other than sexual chastity, the invaders were superior to the nations they brutally misused. If they introduced the virtue of continence they counterbalanced this by many new vices, amongst which alcoholism and blood-thirstiness must be included. We have good reason to lay to the charge of these ferocious Teutons the appalling degradation into which European culture fell, so that the unemotional Hallam could describe the seventh century as the nadir of civilisation since history was written. It is surely possible to be proud of our heritage, and yet take a broad and appreciative view of Mediterranean culture and sometimes be aware of our own defects?

Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954), Saturday 4 October 1913, page 14