The old world is seething with rumors or schemes of war, like the rumblings that precede an earthquake,—and grinding its people's resources and activities in preparation for it, like the abnormal activities and noises of a volcano on the eve of eruption. The industrialism of the new world—like a large, impatient, and spirited field of horses drawing up to start for a Melbourne Cup—sways pendulous with impatience and anxiety, awaiting the signal for—a fresh start. The programme of Great Britain is "expansion of England" ; that of America, "predominance of American ideas" ; that of these colonies, "Advance Australia". Mr J. W. Cross, in Nineteenth Century review for March last, gives as a formula to combine those three:—
The expansion of the humanitarian movement, which is broader than that of England; deeper than that of America; and higher than that of Australia. For, if we go back to the birth of the new world, and the tradition which it has created, we can trace its descent distinctly from that humanitarian movement, which was, in its origin, coincident with the Reformation, which was nourished by 80 years struggles of the Netherlands against Spain, and which afterwards received the most quickening impulse from the French Revolution. The movement was based on revolt against tyranny, privilege, and oppression, in favor of liberty, equality and fraternity. Its ultimate aim was to abolish monarchy, aristocracy, the connection between church and State, and to establish the sovereignty of the people. It profoundly modified all previously existing ideas of religion and politics, and and set in motion a great long wave of emigration which has not only been an overflow of population, but has borne on with it, in its course, a continual protest against many of the ideas, sentiments and methods (particularly the military methods) of the old world, and landed on the shores of the new countries a people determined to try a wholly new system founded on the basis of industrialism. Industrialism, as opposed to militarism is now a central idea of the new world, the pivot upon which it may be said to turn. Here we find a vital principle . . , we must lay hold of as a fundamental consideration in the right understanding of the relations between the old world and the new,"
Unfortunately, this humanitarian movement, its protest, its new system, its new basis of industrialism, are all perverted from fulfilment of legitimate functional designs—in so far as they have fallen short of such fulfilment— and are "laid up" in an invalid state of political, financial, and industrial paralysis, which has been induced partly by the will of the Old World (or what Professor Lombroso calls "the law which dominates all other laws in the moral world, is the law of Inertia), and greatly by the reactionary conservative, or colonialised Tory politicians, who are always militant auxiliaries of that evil will of the Old World and are always plotting against countries or persons who seek to escape from or oppose it. These are the politicians who aspire to serve the country in Parliament, chiefly to serve themselves; who voice democratic, liberal, and popular principles, and invariably endeavour to mould legislation to the interests of imperialism, capitalists, monopoly, property, and privilege, while they subordinate their patriotism to this country to their pandering patriotism to " the mother country." Instead of "opposing" the "ideas, sentiments, and methods (particularly the military methods) of the old world," they do all they can in support of everything of that kind, and strive to import and banner up whatever is left of the relics, customs, and superstitions of feudalism in Great Britain, even to the initial institution of a military feudalism in Australia. The manner and extent in which some politicians have contributed to malific legislation, misgovernment, and the prevalent "hard times" would require more space than this article to discuss. The same might be said of that potential lever alternately of inertia, and action, the Will of the World, the mysterious and occult operation of which is only beginning to be duly apprehended. As recent remarkable illustrations of it we may cite, the apparently spontaneous impulses and designs by which the proletariat "Labor" agitations and organisations have been simultaneously animated in various countries ; the quasi-epidemic manner in which financial failures and panics have spontaneously broken out in many countries; and last, though not least, the way in which the great Powers, so long preparing for war, have abstained from declaring it, as though by the "hesitancy" of — the Will of the World !
It is certain that within the political arena, the knights of evil and wrong have hitherto got the mastery and a good deal too much of their own way. They have had their "innings," and it is high time to give the champions of right and good a show. Now that we are nearing the eve of the general elections it will be well for Polwarth and other constituencies to bear this in mind, and endeavor to carry it out, by the infusion of as much "new blood" as possible into the next Parliament. Let them seek to return men pledged to the traditions of the humanitarian movement that was the origin of this and other portions of the New World, men pledged to the bases of that revolt, its basis of industrialism and its "protests," and and let them reject candidates who are steeped—from hats to gloves— in Imperialism and all those sentiments and methods, which have almost smothered that movement, and the peoples' interests it was designed to promote in Victoria, and in Australia.
Colac Herald (Vic. : 1875 - 1918), Friday 1 January 1892, page 2
I am delving into the history of "Western" thought, criticism and rationalism, which arose in the Age of Enlightenment — Protestant thought, which enabled the end of Superstition, and the consequent rise of Freethought, which threatened the end of Authority, Religion and Tradition.
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