NIETZSCHE

By AJAX.

The writings of Nietzsche are so little known to the majority of workers that some reference to them seems essential, especially as his philosophy has a direct bearing on the labor movement. This should not be the case considering the standard works he wrote on master and slave ideals.
Society seemed to him a perpetual struggle for supremacy between the masters, or strong races, and the slaves or weak races. The former— brave, strong, unscrupulous, and intelligent, men who delight in tackling deep problems and dangerous enterprises. Their character reflects their beliefs and values. To them good is synonymous with bravery and culture. The latter— the slaves— are weak, timid and subservient. As Nietzsche points out even the intellectuals of this class are timid in their writings. Kant and Socrates are to a large extent obsessed by the idea of God and "the moral law," two things Nietzsche ridicules. With the slaves weakness is goodness and obedience becomes a virtue. Elsewhere Nietzsche describes the rise of Christianity as the triumph of the slave ideals. He shows how barbaric races were conquered owing to priests instilling into them the deadly poison of "conscience" and "sin."
 Nietzsche's Superman considers patriotism a worn-out superstition and has little time for the Fatherland (Germany). Although apparently free from national prejudice, he welcomes war. War on everything that was antagonistic to the rise of the superman. He predicted that the twentieth century would be an era of great wars, which would establish a strong caste of superior men. Like other aristocratic thinkers, he bases his theories on the assumption that "Humanity exists for the benefits of the elite." Indeed, throughout his works the idea of "the spoils to the victor," and "might is right," is strongly emphasised. He denounced Socialism as Utopian and sentimental, and refers to the Socialists as "that most logical and also most pernicious race of men." Likewise Anarchism he regards as a psychological outbreak of envy and hatred of the rich by the rabble. Of course, his ideals presume a slave society, yet he was accused himself of being an anarchist. His superman is obviously an anarchist, much of his writing is also anarchistic and it is probable that at heart he was an anarchist. One reviewer is at great pains to explain that he was a respectable philosophic anarchist, not to be confounded with anarchists of the slave class. Of course, in reading his works, we have to remember that Nietzsche was rich and of good family, of refined and artistic temperament, a man who had no time for the herd.
In his great work, "The Antichrist," he thundered against sacerdotalism and denounces the priest class with that bitter sarcasm for which he was renowned. Although railing against orthodoxy because its values were in conflict with the values, he advised the master class to cling to Christianity, as it was excellent for the slave class. He says: "I have not declared war on the anaemic Christian; I deal with the purpose of destroying it, but in order to put an end to its tyranny, and to make room for new and more robust ideals." He repeatedly attacked Christian conceptions and morals, and endeavoured to show up the hypocrisy, meanness and slavish superstition in which orthodoxy wallows. He bemoans the destruction of literature and art by the church, and shows how they obliterated in Spain the artistic Moorish civilisation we might have inherited. The following passage is illustrative of his style: — "I will write the eternal indictment of Christianity on every wall. ... I will use letters which even the blind can see. I denounce Christianity as the ONE great curse, as the ONE corruption, as the ONE great instinct of revenge for which no means are too poisonous, treacherous and small — I denounce it as the ONE undying disgrace of humanity."
 Elsewhere he says: — "In the beginning was the nonsense and the nonsense was with God and the nosense was God."
 His principal works were "The Antichrist," "The Will to Power," and "The Geneology of Morals." There were several other volumes and poems, not to mention satirical essays. He was one of the few erudite thinkers who are bold enough to say what they really think. Always interesting, ever versatile and humorous, with a keen sense of candour, and an extensive knowledge of the world, he is perhaps the greatest philosopher of modern times. That he was no commercial journalist is shown by his comments anent industrialism. He scathingly referred to the factory system as "the uglification of Europe."
 Apart from his personality and clever works, Nietzsche has a value to the labor movement. Not only is there a strong vein of truth in most of his works, but he really represents the advanced thought of the aristocrats. He contended for higher types, that is, the finest types, not necessarily the monied man. Another point is he tried to infuse into the decaying aristocracy the idea of "the will to power." He saw clearly that no class can attain and maintain power unless it is virile. It is a travesty on the labor movement that after all these years of agitation and organisation so far labor has not yet produced an intellectual capable of teaching the masses "the will to power" so ably expounded to the rich by Nietzsche. It is true in Industrial Unionism we have "the will to industrial control" taking a concrete form; but this is only a small section of the workers. The great mass or herd, in spite of all the experiences of the past and the cheap literature of to-day, are doped with dogma, sophisticated with politics and bluffed by legality. Labor is also badly in need of a new table of values, at present most working men blindly believe in standard of morals (so-called) laid down for them by exploiters to further the interests of capitalists to the greater degradation of labor. The weakness of labor organisations lies in the psychology of the units; for that reason, if no other, another Nietzsche is badly needed to clarify our vision—transvalue all capitalistic values— and rejuvenate the ranks of labor with a new hope and a definite goal. Not merely the idea of gaining a little more freedom here, or a slight rise in wages there or a political sop somewhere else; but the hope that is born of knowledge—the faith that knows no fear—and the ideal that is born of the will to economic salvation. Nietzsche showed the way for the favored few. We can only live in hope that the hour will bring the man to do likewise for the many.

Direct Action (Sydney, NSW : 1914 - 1930), Saturday 24 June 1916, page 4