ENGLISH REPUBLICANISM.

It is of no use any further blinking the fact that Republican doctrines are gaining ground, not only among the English working classes, but also among those occupying a higher social position. The continued seclusion of the Queen is producing its inevitable results. Expressions of dissatisfaction are openly heard in all directions, both at the West End as well as at the East End. Republican songs are sung in the streets—Republican doctrines are broached at public meetings—and Republican newspapers command a large circulation. There can be no mistaking these indications. They point to a time of trouble a time when monarchical principles may prove as unpopular here as is the United States. We have no desire to be considered alarmists ; we should be sorry to behold any change in our present form of government, but we must not shut our eyes to the great fact of the day. There is a sad falling off in popular enthusiasm for the Queen, especially in the great manufacturing districts. In these the National Anthem has lost much of its old popularity. At any rate it is not played so frequently as was the case a few years ago. Nor is the heir apparent doing much to gain the popularity lost by his royal mother. Pigeon shooting at Thorlingham, love of racing and theatricals, and a dislike to be bored with social questions, are not likely to inspire public respect. It is very painful to speak thus, but silence is no longer possible. There is scarcely an English newspaper which has not made some allusion to this state of things, Even Punch has been compelled to say something. But it must not be supposed that English republicanism is the result of conviction. There are very few persons who are aware that blue, white, and green are the English republican colours. If called upon to display their flag, they would probably exhibit the French tricolour. No, English republicanism is at present merely a sentiment, the ebullition of disappointed feelings. The people imagine themselves slighted by their monarch, and are exasperated accordingly. Nothing can be more dangerous than this. We have only the smouldering embers, but the slightest breath may waken them into mischievous activity. Sentiment may give way to conviction, and the masses become as sincere in their republicanism as they have hitherto been in their love of constitutional monarchy. But their republicanism will not be that of France ; it will be rather that of the United States. But there are elements of danger. Our republican propagandists entertain doctrines of the most mischievous and anarchical character. They openly declare their hatred of religion, law, and the rights of property. They would establish socialism in the most obnoxious form, and seek to give effect to theories of the wildest and most impracticable character. Have we not cause enough for serious misgiving? Imagine this country with such men as Reynolds, Bradlaugh, and Odger in power. The result would be simply disastrous. Most of the republican leaders of the working-classes are infidel lecturers, men who spout loudly enough concerning the sins of the aristocracy, but are wonderfully reticent concerning their own social and moral defects. Such men are to be feared. Their teachings are of the most poisonous character. They swear by Tom Paine, regard Shelley as their Shakspeare, and would,—were it possible, deify Volney and Holyoake. They hate teetotalism, because it tends to make a man more fond of attending church or chapel than of frequenting so-called " halls of science," where treason is dispensed at the rate of a penny per head. Practically their great doctrine is, that man should obey his passions, not rule them. A pretty doctrine, truly. But we should not like to live under such a regime. We prefer, with all its faults, our present system. But is it not a serious thing that such possibilities should be talked about? It is like playing with the whirlwind. It may be very amusing at first, but wait until the tempest has fully arisen. Then we shall behold blanched features and clasped hands, and hear words of agonised supplication from the once giddy and reckless.
JOHN PLUMMER

 The Sydney Morning Herald 3 October 1871,