ACKNOWLEDGES NIETZCHE AS SPIRITUAL MASTER
(By Dr. OSCAR LEVY.)
Dyspeptic critics of this apocalyptic age have often declared it to be grossly materialistic. Nothing, however, could be further from the truth. There never was an age more agitated by ideas, theories, opinions, principles than our own. All the great forces which have clashed upon one another in the last ten years have had as the driving power behind them a moral principle. The moral principle, may have used immoral means — what principle is not forced to do that? — but there is no doubt that the principle was there, and that it was for principles that peoples have fought one another.
It is not true that this driving force was absent behind Germany, that Germany was grossly materialistic, that she indulged in an unashamed "will to power.” Whoever knows anything of the character of the Germans, the most theoretical people of Europe, knows that this could not have been so. Behind Ludendorff (whom we may take as representative of that old and disappearing Germany) there are standing two mighty spiritual forces, those springing from Luther and Hegel— forces, by the way, which have not influenced Germany alone.
"IT WAS A SAD TALE"
Two other representative men have appeared (and disappeared) in the last few years, Lenin and Wilson. Behind Wilson there was a tremendous spiritual force, that arising from Christian sectarianism. This sectarianism was a consequence of the teachings of Calvin and Rousseau, the latter of whom, as is well known, inspired the declaration of the rights of men both in 1776 (America) and in 1789 (France). Behind Lenin there stands the spiritual force of German philosophy, above all, and, again, the mighty shade of Hegel, who has had a logical disciple in the Jewish thinker Karl Marx. Hegel, a dignified professor of Berlin University, would of course have denied Karl Marx, but this does not prove that the latter has entirely misinterpreted him. He only pushed the timid professors' principles to their proper conclusions, and thus produced the “fruits,” by which, according to the gospel, “ye shall know them.”
The fruits of all these systems 'have indeed been terribly bitter.
It is a sad tale.
Or, better, it was a sad tale— till 1922. In 1922 there took place an event of the greatest importance — an event of such importance that the world has not even commenced to comprehend it.
The event was this: That the world revolution— started by Germany, continued by Russia, imported into all the other countries— was bridled by an efficient counter-movement in Italy. This movement has become known by the name of “Il Fascismo.”
“Il Fascismo “ is not a counter-revolutionary movement, such as was started in 1815 after the disappearance of Napoleon. It is not a reaction of the “Whites” against the ''Reds.'' It is not a Restoration, such as was the Holy Alliance.
As such it has, and must have, a spiritual force behind it. This spiritual force, however, labors under one great disadvantage — it is yet unknown to the general public. It seems entirely lacking in all those who owe their training to the nineteenth century. Hence Fascism is vastly misunderstood.
Fascism, as we all know, has found an interpreter of genius in Benito Mussolini, it is not too much to say that all those who have an ear for “new tunes” have been struck to the quick by the speeches of this man. There has been in them what was wanting in all other messages from high quarters — sobriety, lucidity, nobility, sincerity. Yet these speeches have been most atrociously misunderstood. And still worse has been the fate of Mussolini's writings, such as his pungent remarks about his famous countryman Machiavelli. Their reception by a thoroughly senile public all over Europe has been simply deplorable. All the highbrows of press, pulpit, Parliament and pacifism were down upon this one man.
When, a few weeks ago, I was received in audience by Mussolini he candidly told me: ”I shall write no more. They are too stupid ! They do not understand one word.”
“But they ought to be made to understand, your Excellency," I objected. “At least, one should try to enlighten them.”
Mussolini only shrugged his shoulders.
But I am still of the opinion that people ought to be made to understand. It is important for them to do so. It is likewise important for present-day Italy not to be misunderstood. I shall therefore try to explain that Fascism is not a ”brutalitarian,” not even a utilitarian creed, but one inspired by a very high idea, an ideal which labors under this one disadvantage, that it is a new ideal.
A ONE-MAN SHOW
I am aware that the rank and file of “Fascismo” is not quite clear about the nature and origin of this ideal. I have read, for instance, in Fascist papers, that their inspiration is drawn from Hobbes and La Maistre. I beg to doubt that. But it does not matter very much what the soldiers of this movement think. “Fascismo” is more than any other movement a "one-man show" — that of Signor Benito Mussolini.
This man is of course considered by public opinion as an adventurer. And so he is — and so was Disraeli. Mussolini is even more of an adventurer than Disraeli, for the latter never won his high position by armed force. But there is a striking similarity between Disraeli and Mussolini : before they became adventurers in the realm of this earth both were adventurers in the realms of the spirit. And as an adventurer in the realm of the spirit, Mussolini came across his spiritual master — a master from whom he derived ample profit.
"In the letter which you wrote me, you alluded to the Nietzschean color of my speeches and writings," said Mussolini. "You are quite right in assuming that I have been influenced by Nietzsche. Fifteen years ago, when I was quite a young man and was expelled from one Swiss canton to the other, I came across his books. I have read them without exception. They made the deepest impression upon me. They cured me of my socialism. They opened my eyes about the cant of statesmen such as 'the conceit of the governed !' and about the inner value of such things as 'Parliament' and 'universal suffrage.' I was also deeply impressed by Nietzsche's wonderful precept : 'Live dangerously.' I have lived up to that, I think. . . ."
Mussolini smiled. Coming out of his serious, hard-featured face, it was a very extraordinary smile. Thus the sun comes out behind heavy clouds, and by this contrast doubly cheers the observer.
"I wish," I said, "that people might hear and know what you have said. Unfortunately, there is no witness to our conversation. Contrary to the custom of all other Ministers and Presidents of this earth, you have even sent your secretary away."
Mussolini again shrugged his shoulders.
"They really ought to hear your words," I insisted. "Outside Italy— I am pretty sure of this — Fascismo is entirely misunderstood. People do not even suspect the novelty of this movement. They compare it even to the Ku Klux Klan in North America. And even the German reactionaries claim you as a kinsman."
"I know— I know that Hitler, Wulle and Ludendorff crew. One of them, I forget who, even came here and asked me to receive him. I refused, of course, to have anything to do with them. It is possible to be misunderstood like that?''
Thinking over these words as I stepped out of the stately Palazzo Chigi into the noisy Piazza Colonna, I asked myself why should not everything be possible now? People never had much time to think, and now they have less than ever. Yet at no time was it more necessary to think than now and to recognise this great fact that behind all modern political movements there are spiritual forces. If we do not know these forces, we are bound to mistake “Il Fascismo” for the Ku Klux Klan.
HIS ENEMIES EVERYWHERE
The task in front of him is still formidable. Nearly all the parties of Italy and all the Cabinets of Europe are united against this one man. He has, perhaps, only a few friends, and these friends do not understand him too well. As to his enemies: They are everywhere. Democracy is the toughest of all "Die-hards," for it has nearly become a faith during the nineteenth century. Among his principal Italian enemies is that crowd of superfluous officials, which is the cancer of all democracies and which Italy, thanks to Mussolini's knife, has removed more thoroughly than any other nation. Even his own party gives him trouble, as the latest events have shown.
But the greatest trouble is the world's blindness toward the spiritual force behind Fascismo. People do not see that it is a revolutionary movement of the first class, a movement vastly more revolutionary than Bolshevism. People do not understand that Fascismo is based upon ideas, just as Bolshevism is based upon ideas. And they further do not understand that ideas can only be fought by ideas, and that consequently the only antidote against Bolshevism is Fascism. But Fascism is not only an antidote, but likewise a remedy against Bolshevism. For Bolshevism is not so much a revolutionary as a reactionary creed. Bolshevism wishes to put the clock back to the old principles of the French Revolution; it even stands up most shamelessly for the ideas of liberty, equality, fraternity. These ideals, however, have decayed: no, they have become idols, which are as good as dead. It is for the new Fascist movement to bury them altogether and to enthrone in their place other ideals and living aspirations for the progress and guidance of mankind. Let us learn from Italy and Mussolini !
No comments:
Post a Comment